Ayodhya Part 1: Ram Lalla and a Contrived Miracle
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The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
The year was 1949. Independent India was two years old. While Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was grappling with an ideal called India, his deputy, Sardar Vallabhai Patel was defining its frontiers. As the people of a free, yet divided nation were still recovering from the partition – which ripped apart our social fabric – somewhere in Uttar Pradesh, the ground was being prepared for a confrontation in Ayodhya on the night of 22 December 1949.
At 3 am, a flash of lightning was seen and Sri Ram appeared at the Babri Masjid. This supposedly divine occurrence was the first turning point in the “centuries long” struggle of the Hindus to “liberate Ram Janmbhoomi” i.e. Babri Masjid, which was commissioned by Babur’s commander Mir Baqi in 1528. It is also claimed that he did so after destroying a temple which marked the exact spot where Lord Ram was born.
Also read and watch:
Ayodhya DeQoded, Part 2: Did a Divine Monkey Unlock Babri Masjid?
Ayodhya DeQoded, Part 3: Ram Mandir First Politicised by Congress
Ayodhya DeQoded, Part 4: Political Desperation Led to Shilanyas
Ayodhya DeQoded ,Part 5: Mandal’s Caste & Quota vs BJP’s Rath & Ram
Ayodhya DeQoded, Part 6: The Making of “Mullah Mulayam”
Ayodhya DeQoded, Part 7: Demolition of the Disputed Structure
“The Place Where Angels Descend”
But a more earthly explanation exists in the FIR lodged on December 23, 1949, in which the officer-in-charge of the Ayodhya Police Station, Pandit Ramdeo Dubey named three individuals – Abhiram Das, Ram Sakal Das and Sudarshan Das – and charged them with sections related to rioting, trespassing and defiling a place of worship. The same charges were also levelled against another 50 to 60 unknown people.
[…] a group of 50 to 60 persons have entered the Babri Masjid by breaking open the locks of the compound and also by scaling the walls and staircases and placed an idol of Shri Bhagwan in it and scribbled sketches of Sita, Ramji etc. in saffron and yellow colours on the inner and outer walls of it [...] Committers of crime have desecrated (naapak kiya) the mosque by trespassing through rioting.
A 6-ft tall priest with a quick temper, Abhiram Das began to be hailed as the “Liberator” or “Uddharak Baba”. But could this elaborate plan to convert a Masjid into a Mandir have been possible without the local administration’s help?
The Babri Masjid in early 1900. (Photo Courtesy: The British Library Board)
The Babri Masjid in early 1900. (Photo Courtesy: The British Library Board)
No Miracle, This
Guru Dutt Singh was the City Magistrate at the time, and according to his grandson, Shakti Singh, a BJP leader in Faizabad, a “pakka Hinduvadi”. Vegetarian and a teetotaler, Guru Dutt Singh was a Ram bhakt.
Guru Dutt Singh was a civil administrator from before Independence, and masterminded the plan to convert the Babri Masjid into a temple. (Photo: The Quint)
Guru Dutt Singh was a civil administrator from before Independence, and masterminded the plan to convert the Babri Masjid into a temple. (Photo: The Quint)
His son Guru Basant Singh, 86, needed some coaxing, but recalled vivid details, while speaking to The Quint about the secret meetings held in his house ‘Ram Bhavan’. He was 15-years-old then and would often eavesdrop while serving tea and water to the visitors, which included District Magistrate KK Nayar, Superintendent of Police Kripal Singh and Judge Thakur Bir Singh.
The city’s top four administrators were adamant on executing the plan to place Ram’s idols inside the Babri. Who was going to object and to what end? On the face of it, they behaved like vigilant officials, but in reality they allowed devotees to pour in and perform kar seva.
Guru Basant Singh
But why did they feel the need to conjure up a miracle, instead of owning up to their actions? Guru Basant Singh explains that the demand for a Ram Mandir had to be chanelled into a people’s movement and what better way to whip up religious fervour than by claiming Ram Lalla himself appeared at his birthplace?
(Graphic Courtesy: Rahul Gupta)
(Graphic Courtesy: Rahul Gupta)
Guru Dutt Singh’s senior, Faizabad District Magistrate KK Nayar was a soft-spoken Malayali, known to be sympathetic to the Hindu Mahasabha – the oldest Hindu nationalist political party. Incidentally, he had taken official leave on the day when people forced entry into the Babri, but he did not leave Faizabad.
KK Nayar’s complicity in the entire ordeal is further confirmed by the fact that despite arriving at the scene at 4 am, he did not inform his seniors in Lucknow till 10:30 am.
A few Hindus entered Babri Masjid at night when the Masjid was deserted and installed a deity there. DM and SP and force at spot. Situation under control. Police picket of 15 persons was on duty at night but did not apparently act.
KK Nayar’s radio message to Chief Minister of the United Provinces Gobind Ballabh Pant.
In the nearly 5 hours that he was present at the Babri Masjid, Nayar made no attempts to remove the idols and have the mosque vacated. He later joined the Jan Sangh and was also elected Member of Parliament.
What Was PM Nehru Doing?
On 26 December 1949, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru wrote a telegram to Gobind Ballabh Pant, expressing his distress over the “dangerous example being set there which will have bad consequences.” He followed up on 5 February 1950 with a letter asking Pant if he should visit Ayodhya.
But Nehru Would Never Make That Visit
That the 22 December 1949 incident was a “well-planned conspiracy involving national, provincial and local level leaders” is up for debate even 66 years after the idols were placed inside the Babri Masjid.
The demolition was orchestrated fourty-three years after Ram Lalla’s idols were placed inside the Babri Masjid. (Photo: Reuters)
The demolition was orchestrated fourty-three years after Ram Lalla’s idols were placed inside the Babri Masjid. (Photo: Reuters)
But on the ground, it continued to be treated as a localised communal incident by the administration and the media. The events that unfolded on 22 December 1949 destroyed the status quo set by the British in allowing Hindus and Muslims to worship at the mosque.
But it took another four decades for the VHP, the BJP and the Congress to act in an unintended concert that led to LK Advani to launch the Rath Yatra, sparking a mass movement that ended with the demolition of the Babri Masjid on 6 December 1992.
The Babri Masjid premises were locked down for all under section 145 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. Interim orders in civil suits, filed soon after, put restrictions on the removal of the idols, and interfering with their worship. Till 6 December 1992, the gates of the mosque remained practically shut, only allowing for the entry and exit of priests who performed daily rituals.
Ayodhya Part 2: Did a Divine Monkey Unlock Babri Masjid?
AVIRAL VIRKUPDATED: 11.11.17SHORT DOQS4 min read
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The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
On December 22-23, 1949, idols of Ram Lalla were surreptitiously placed inside the Babri Masjid. Two days later, a civil suit forced devotees out and ordered for status quo to be maintained. The mosque would stay, as would the idols, to be tended to by a designated priest who had access through a side entrance at the disputed site.
So who ended the 36-year-old status quo? There are three prime suspects – a district court Judge, the Rajiv Gandhi government, and a monkey with divine sanction.
Unlocking the Gates of Discord
On 1 February 1986, Faizabad District Judge KM Pandey ordered the Babri Masjid be unlocked. He observed, “[...] Muslims are not going to be affected by any stretch of imagination if the locks of the gates are opened and idols inside the premises are allowed to be seen and worshipped by pilgrims and devotees. Heavens will not fall if the locks of the gates are removed”.
He couldn’t have been more wrong.
On 14 February 1986, Muslim groups observed a ‘Black Day’ in protest against the opening of the locks at the Babri Masjid. There was nation-wide rioting, especially in Delhi, Meerut, Uttar Pradesh, and Anantnag, Jammu and Kashmir.
Kameshwer Temple in Srinagar was among those destroyed in Kashmir. (Photo Courtesy: Kashmiri Pandit Sangarsh Samiti, Srinagar)
Kameshwer Temple in Srinagar was among those destroyed in Kashmir. (Photo Courtesy: Kashmiri Pandit Sangarsh Samiti, Srinagar)
Interestingly, two officials representing the Congress government at the Centre (Rajiv Gandhi), and the state (Narayan Dutt Tiwari) testified in court, saying they anticipated no law and order situation if the locks were to be opened. They said so despite the fact that the petition wanted permission for Hindu devotees to pray at a mosque, which was desecrated by Pandit Abhiram Das more than three decades ago.
The legal argument for opening the locks was based on the fact that no prior order directing the mosque be locked, was presented before the court.
A day later, on 15 February 1986, the Babri Masjid Action Committee was formed, and a young lawyer, who had emerged at the forefront of protests and town hall meetings in Lucknow, Zafaryab Jilani became its convenor.
Zafaryab Jilani says rebuilding the mosque is the ultimate objective of the All India Babri Masjid Action Commitee. (Photo: The Quint)
Zafaryab Jilani says rebuilding the mosque is the ultimate objective of the All India Babri Masjid Action Commitee. (Photo: The Quint)
Within half an hour of the order being passed, the padlock on the main gate to the Babri Masjid was broken. Doordarshan happened to be on standby, and telecast the proceedings on national television.
Intervention of a Divine Monkey
But there was apparently another reason why Judge Pandey made the decision to open the gates of the Babri. In his autobiography, Pandey wrote that a monkey, which he took to be some divine power, validated his decision.
A black monkey was sitting for the whole day on the roof of the court room holding the flag post. Thousands of people of Faizabad and Ayodhya [...] offered him groundnuts and fruits. Strangely, the monkey did not touch any of the offerings [...] The district magistrate and SSP escorted me to my bungalow. The monkey was present in the verandah of my bungalow. I was surprised to see him. I just saluted him, taking him to be some divine power.
The call for a mandir at the exact same spot, “Mandir vahin banayenge” was heard for the first time after the disputed structure was unlocked on the Faizabad district court’s orders. Not only did the unlocking bring the Ayodhya dispute back into the national discourse, it also pushed the issue into the realm of organised politics.
Ayodhya Part 3: Ram Mandir First Politicised by Congress
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The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
The Meenakshipuram Conversions
On 19 February 1981, two hundred dalit families in Meenakshipuram village in Tirunelveli district of Tamil Nadu converted to Islam. A collective spontaneous decision, according to a SC/ST welfare report, it was prompted by years of oppression by the landed Thevar community. The village which earlier had only two Muslim families was renamed Rahmat Nagar.
Ashok Singhal (Right) was a full-time RSS Pracharak and was moved to the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) as its Joint Secretary after the Meenakshipuram Conversions.
Ashok Singhal (Right) was a full-time RSS Pracharak and was moved to the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) as its Joint Secretary after the Meenakshipuram Conversions.
(Photo: Reuters)
Around Rs 40,000 was collected for the mass conversion ceremony, which turned into a rallying point for Hindu nationalist organisations. Religious and cultural organisations like the Arya Samaj and Vishwa Hindu Parishad made their way to Rahmat Nagar, while more militant ones like the Hindu Munnani came into existence. The BJP raked up the issue in Parliament and demanded the source of these funds be investigated by the CBI. In fact, Atal Bihari Vajpayee was among the several BJP, and Sangh Parivar leaders who visited the otherwise nondescript village.
Conferences to discuss Hindu scriptures and religion were organized by the VHP more aggressively after the Meenakshipuram Conversions.
Conferences to discuss Hindu scriptures and religion were organized by the VHP more aggressively after the Meenakshipuram Conversions.
(Photo: Reuters)
Keepers of Hindu Morality Rattled
On 7-8 April 1984, VHP’s Ashok Singhal organised a Dharam Sansad, or a religious parliament at Delhi’s Vigyan Bhavan. Around 500 sadhus from across the country gathered and agreed that the Meenakshipuram conversions were indicative of “the manner in which Hinduism is currently functioning is not acceptable to a large number of people.”
It is here, for the first time, that building a Ram Mandir was listed as an objective to promote and preserve the Hindu dharma.
In September 1984, the VHP followed up its Dharam Sansad with a bike rally that ended at the banks of the Sarayu river in Ayodhya. VHP activists pledged to rebuild a Ram Mandir by mobilising Hindus from across the country. The kar sevaks were to lay the foundation for a Mandir on 31 October 1984, but news of Indira Gandhi’s assassination thwarted that plan.
Lord Ram’s capital Ayodhya is situated on the banks of the Sarayu river, a tributary of Ganga.
Lord Ram’s capital Ayodhya is situated on the banks of the Sarayu river, a tributary of Ganga.
(Photo: The Quint)
In December 1984, Rajiv Gandhi was elected Prime Minister of the country in a historic election which gave him three-fourth majority in the Parliament. The Congress won 404 seats in a 533 strong Lower House. The BJP, incidentally, debuted with 2 seats.
If the politicisation of the Ayodhya movement was inadvertent due to the Meenakshipuram conversions, the Rajiv Gandhi government’s handling of the Shah Bano verdict was a calculated move that paid little dividend.
The Shah Bano Case
By mid-1984, Rajiv Gandhi was struggling to find his feet, while balancing what was fast evolving into a communal tug-of-war.
On 23 April 1985, a 62-year old Muslim woman Shah Bano won the right to alimony in the Supreme Court. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi welcomed the judgement at first, but in May 1986 he was forced to bow down to pressure from the Muslim clergy. They wanted to reserve the right to enforce their religious law and the Congress government obliged by passing The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act 1986, which aimed to undermine the Supreme Court ruling.
As expected, the BJP and other Hindu organisations mounted their offensive against Rajiv Gandhi’s “appeasement politics”.
The Congress lost 207 of the 404 seats that it occupied in the Lok Sabha in the 1989 General Election, making way for the National Front alliance comprising of the Janata Dal and BJP to form the government.
The Congress lost 207 of the 404 seats that it occupied in the Lok Sabha in the 1989 General Election, making way for the National Front alliance comprising of the Janata Dal and BJP to form the government.
(Photo: Reuters)
Politicisation of the Ayodhya Movement
The Congress’ ability to cater to both sides, because of its political might in the Parliament, and the Babri Masjid Action Committee’s nation-wide activities were bound to put pressure on the BJP’s nationalist credentials. During it’s 1989 Convention in Palampur, the party reiterated:
The National Executive of the BJP regards the current debate on the Ramjanmabhoomi issue as one which has dramatically highlighted the callous unconcern which the Congress party in particular, and the other political parties in general, betray towards the sentiments of the overwhelming majority in this country – the Hindus
The BJP positioned its crusade for a Ram Mandir as a reaction to Congress’ “betrayal” of Hindu sentiments. (Photo: Reuters)
The BJP positioned its crusade for a Ram Mandir as a reaction to Congress’ “betrayal” of Hindu sentiments. (Photo: Reuters)
This proved to be a turning point in the politicisation of the Ayodhya movement.
With the Palampur resolution, the BJP picked a goalpost and gave political legitimacy to a religious movement, forcing the Congress to play ball in the 1989 General Election, and endorse the Ram Mandir foundation stone laying (Shilanyas) at Ayodhya.
A series of political miscalculations by Rajiv Gandhi would lead the BJP to completely hijack the Ayodhya movement, and launch a Rath Yatra. The party would eventually raise its strength in the Parliament from two, to 85, to 120 seats.
Ayodhya Part 4: Political Desperation Led to Shilanyas
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The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
It was the time when optimism around a young, technocrat Indian Prime Minister had faded. In spite of 75 percent seats in the Lok Sabha, Rajiv Gandhi was going into the 1989 General Election with his back against the wall.
The relentless unravelling of the Bofors scam by a determined media put Rajiv Gandhi under immense pressure. Mishandling of the situation in Punjab, Kashmir and Sri Lanka led to an escalation of violence. To make matter worse, Union Defence Minister VP Singh quit the Cabinet and subsequently the Congress Party to unite the Janata Dal, the BJP and the Left to form an opposition front – the Jan Morcha.
Congress workers protest against Rajiv Gandhi’s name was included in the list of those charged in the Bofors scam in November 1999. (Photo: Reuters)
Congress workers protest against Rajiv Gandhi’s name was included in the list of those charged in the Bofors scam in November 1999. (Photo: Reuters)
The Congress needed to reverse the country’s sentiment back in his favour. At the time, the BJP with its two MPs and their resolve to build the Ram Mandir, was not a serious contender. Latching on to the popular Hindu sentiment of the day, should’ve been the politically prudent move at the time.
And so, in October 1989, Rajiv Gandhi launched his election campaign from Faizabad and slipped in an unscripted reference to a ‘Ram Rajya’ in his speech written by Mani Shankar Aiyar.
VHP Rakes in Big Money
Earlier that year, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad announced it would conduct the Shilanyas or the foundation laying ceremony for a Ram Mandir on November 10, 1989. As soon as the decision was announced, the VHP’s coffers started filling up with donations from across India, UK and the United States of America. By its own admission, the VHP had collected Rs 8.29 crore for the Shilanyas. The amount was believed to be grossly understated by the Income Tax department that would later launch an investigation into the foreign transactions. The fact that the VHP claimed to be a “charitable organisation” and enjoyed significant tax exemptions, when its primary objective had become to build a Ram Temple, was disputed.
With this money, VHP started organising a nation-wide campaign to collect and consecrate ‘shilas’ or bricks from kilns in more than 2,00,000 villages. These bricks with ‘Sri Ram’ inscribed on them were wrapped in saffron cloth, worshipped and then brought to Ayodhya. Consequently, soil from Ayodhya was taken and distributed to these villages.
100 million people were estimated to be part of these processions.
Blurred Legal & Political Boundaries
On August 14, 1989, the Lucknow bench of the Allahabad High Court bunched together the four petitions regarding the dispute over Babri Masjid and ordered that status quo be maintained.
Ashok Singhal was prepared to defy this court order and the VHP continued collecting bricks, holding prayers and processions across the country. The communally charged atmosphere during the campaigning for the General Election necessitated the micro-management by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi who deputed Union Home Minister Buta Singh to travel to Ayodhya.
The VHP actively organised religious parliaments to spread awareness about the Hindu scriptures and Ram Janmabhoomi in the mid-1980s. (Photo: Reuters)
The VHP actively organised religious parliaments to spread awareness about the Hindu scriptures and Ram Janmabhoomi in the mid-1980s. (Photo: Reuters)
On September 27, Buta Singh, along with Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Narayan Dutt Tiwari met VHP Joint Secretary Ashok Singhal. The government agreed to allow the VHP to conduct a procession with the consecrated bricks or the Shila Yatra on the condition that the VHP leaders sign an accord promising to abide by the directions of the Allahabad High Court and to maintain peace.
[...] Abide by the directive of the Lucknow bench of Allahabad High Court given on 14.8.89 to the effect that the parties to the suit shall...not change the nature of the property in question and ensure that the peace and communal harmony are maintained.
Thousands of kar sevaks carrying shilas poured into Ayodhya. Sensing that the VHP did not care to abide by the signed accord, the government tried to make the VHP conduct the Shilanyas on an adjacent plot of land which it believed did not fall under the disputed property as specified by the high court.
The VHP was thought to have agreed to the government’s proposal, but a week before the scheduled Shilanyas, on November 2, a saffron flag was seen on the same plot that was claimed by the Sunni Waqkf Board.
The bricks that were collected and consecrated for the Shilanyas in 1989 are now stacked at the Nyas Karyashala in Ayodhya where a pre-fabricated temple is being built. (Photo: <b>The Quint</b>)
The bricks that were collected and consecrated for the Shilanyas in 1989 are now stacked at the Nyas Karyashala in Ayodhya where a pre-fabricated temple is being built. (Photo: The Quint)
The government approached the high court and three days before the proposed Shilanyas, on November 7, 1989 the court clarified that the August 14 order to maintain status quo was with regard to the 2.77-acre plot of land on which the foundation laying ceremony was proposed to be held.
Significantly, the judges also observed – “it is doubtful that some of the questions involved in the suit are soluble by judicial process”.
On November 8, 1989 the Uttar Pradesh government declared, on the advice of the State Advocate General SS Bhatnagar, that the site of the Shilanyas was not disputed land. He is believed to have ignored specific pages that listed details of the plots which were under dispute.
The government that was earlier trying to prevent the VHP from aggravating the communal tension, was within a span of two months actively aiding VHP’s plan to conduct the Shilanyas on a disputed piece of land.
The Shilanyas was a milestone in the Ayodhya movement which was replete with political and religious symbolism. The Congress’ desperation to retain power had led them to give their own accreditation to the Ram Mandir.
On November 9, 1989 the Vishwa Hindu Parishad conducted the Shilanyas and laid the Ram Mandir.
On the ground, it was a 7ft x7ft x7ft pit.
Ayodhya Part 5: Mandal’s Caste & Quota vs BJP’s Rath & Ram
AVIRAL VIRKUPDATED: 11.11.17SHORT DOQS7 min read
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The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
A day before he was to kickstart the 10,000 kilometer Rath Yatra, Advani received an audio cassette from Manoj Kumar, the actor. On it, was a song by Lata Mageshkar that became the de facto anthem of his chariot march. The song was from a popular Hindi film starring Nutan and its lyrics just happened to meet the need of the hour.
The mission, as BJP President LK Advani chose to accept, was to undertake an extensive mass contact programme from the Somnath Temple in Gujarat to “Ram Janmabhoomi” Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh.
The Somnath Temple was a particularly coveted target for Mahmood Ghazni - a Turkish Sultan who plundered India seventeen times in a span of twenty-five years in AD 1001-26. The decision to pick the ‘Hindus only’ temple was heavy with religious and political symbolism.
In his autobiography, ‘My Country, My Life’, Advani traces the history of the restoration and rebuilding of the Somnath Temple. The Nawab of Junagadh defected to Pakistan leaving the Hindu-dominated province to India. The proposal to rebuild the temple was met with resistance from Maulana Abul Kalam Azad but Sardar Patel assumed an uncompromising stand on the matter and the proposal received the approval of the Nehru Cabinet.
In a position to exert some influence at the Centre, the BJP hoped to repeat history in Ayodhya.
Ruins of the Somnath Temple photographed in 1869. (Photo Courtesy: Tata Building India)
Ruins of the Somnath Temple photographed in 1869. (Photo Courtesy: Tata Building India)
Gold-plated pillars of the Somnath Temple. (Photo: Reuters)
Gold-plated pillars of the Somnath Temple. (Photo: Reuters)
Politics of Caste & Quota
On August 7, 1990 Prime Minister VP Singh accepted the Mandal Commission Report which had been lying in cold storage for ten years. The commission was constituted by the Morarji Desai government and given two extensions by the Indira Gandhi government “to determine the criteria for defining the socially and educationally backward classes”and “to recommend steps for their advancement.”
The Mandal commission recommended 27% reservation for Other Backward Classes at all levels of government service. In effect, it meant 52% of the country’s population at the time was eligible for reservation in government institutions and departments.
A large section of the upper caste Hindu and minority students rose in protest against the government’s decision.
The Rath
On September 12 1990, the BJP President LK Advani called for a press conference at the 11 Ashoka Road party office and announced his decision to join the VHP’s kar sewa for a Ram Mandir on October 30.
The original plan, according to LK Advani, was to visit few villages in some states on foot and whip up support for a Ram Mandir. Advani shared the plan with his close confidante Pramod Mahajan who pointed out that going on foot would slow the procession down. “A jeep yatra then?”, Advani asked.
Advani’s Rath Yatra was stopped a week before he could be part of VHP’s kar seva in Ayodhya. (Photo: The Quint)
Advani’s Rath Yatra was stopped a week before he could be part of VHP’s kar seva in Ayodhya. (Photo: The Quint)
But Mahajan had something a little more theatrical in mind and an air-conditioned Toyota mini-bus was redesigned to look like an ornate chariot that would traverse eight states and the union territory of Delhi.
Up until now, the BJP had remained nuanced in its opposition to the 27% reservation for OBCs. But as a relatively new Hindu nationalist party it could not afford to spurn its developing upper caste Hindu support base in North India.
Anti-Mandal Protests
On September 19, 1990, a commerce student at Delhi University’s Deshbandhu college, Rajiv Goswami, led a protest march to Delhi’s AIIMS intersection, poured oil over himself and lit a match.
Goswami was rushed to the Burns Ward of the Safdarjung hospital which was right across the road. He survived the self-immolation bid with serious damage to his liver and kidneys, which ultimately led to his demise in February 2004.
The otherwise busy crossing, was unofficially renamed ‘Rajiv Chowk’.
Rajiv Goswami died of complications brought on years after he set fire to himself. (Photo Courtesy: Chalu Purza)
Rajiv Goswami died of complications brought on years after he set fire to himself. (Photo Courtesy: Chalu Purza)
News of the self-immolation bid further enraged students who engaged with the police in what several publications described as a Tiananmen Square-like protest at Delhi’s Vijay Chowk. The violence was fast spreading to other cities and VP Singh’s continuance as Prime Minister looked increasingly untenable.
LK Advani was among the long list of VIPs who tried to visit Rajiv Goswami in hospital. Agitated anti-Mandal students did not allow the BJP President to even reach Goswami’s hospital bed. After the incident, the BJP ditched the nuance and specified its stand against Mandal.
BJP had secured 85 seats in the 1989 General Election and were finally in a position to influence national politics. (Photo: Reuters)
BJP had secured 85 seats in the 1989 General Election and were finally in a position to influence national politics. (Photo: Reuters)
The Yatra
On September 25 1990, Advani prayed at Somnath and kicked off the Rath Yatra. BJP General Secretary and Chief Strategist KN Govindacharya monitored the Yatra from Delhi. Preparations in Guajrat were handled by Shankersinh Vaghela and Narendra Modi. The Bajrang Dal ensured that crowds showed up accessorised with six-inch long tridents, which they insisted were symbolic and well under the size limit stated in the Arms Act. And Pramod Mahajan, who accompanied Advani, co-ordinated media interactions through the Yatra.
In his speeches, Advani projected Mandal as a ploy to divide the Hindu community. In effect, the Rath Yatra would project the BJP as an anti-Janta Dal, anti-Congress option that intended to unite Hindus not just on religious, but also political grounds.
This plunged the VP Singh government, that was already wracked by rumours of a rebellion on Rajiv Gandhi’s instigation, further into a state of uncertainty.
Slogan painted on the back of Advani’s rath read, “Go forward, we are with you. Progress towards a temple, we will be your hands”. (Photo: Screen grab/Ram Ke Naam)
Slogan painted on the back of Advani’s rath read, “Go forward, we are with you. Progress towards a temple, we will be your hands”. (Photo: Screen grab/Ram Ke Naam)
The reported communal violence that followed Advani’s Rath Yatra in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan and Haryana, was downplayed or denied by the BJP.
The VP Singh government, mindful of the adverse impact of the yatra on his government, did not move in to arrest Advani. Fear of a communal backlash in an already polarised atmosphere could have forced the PM to exercise restraint.
Instead, he held negotiations with his coalition partner BJP and its affiliates – the VHP and the RSS to reach some consensus on the unwavering demand for a Ram Mandir at the exact spot where Babri Masjid stood.
In the midst of these talks, on October 30, 1990, Advani reached Delhi. When the talks failed, Advani resumed the yatra and reached Bihar.
The Arrest
First-time Bihar Chief Minister and Janta Dal leader Lalu Prasad Yadav had warned Advani to turn back his Rath to Delhi. (Photo: Screemgrab/Ram Ke Naam)
First-time Bihar Chief Minister and Janta Dal leader Lalu Prasad Yadav had warned Advani to turn back his Rath to Delhi. (Photo: Screemgrab/Ram Ke Naam)
On October 23, 1990 Advani addressed a mammoth rally at Patna’s Gandhi Maidan and after holding meetings at Hajipur and Tajpur, reached the Samastipur circuit house at 2:30 am. Paramilitary forces were deployed early in the morning, the air-strip was readied and phone lines from Bihar to the rest of the country were temporarily snapped.
At 6 AM, RK Singh knocked on Advani’s door and showed him an arrest warrant. Before being taken away, he wrote a letter to the President informing him of the BJP’s decision to withdraw support to the VP Singh government.
R.K Singh (now a BJP MP from Ara) had been directed by Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav to arrest Advani. (Photo: Screen grab/Ram Ke Naam)
R.K Singh (now a BJP MP from Ara) had been directed by Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav to arrest Advani. (Photo: Screen grab/Ram Ke Naam)
Not only did Advani’s rath yatra set in motion the wheels for the ultimate desecration at Babri Masjid two years later, it also defined the country’s politics. It did away with the notion of secularism and created a “nationalist” and “secular” goalpost, the definitions of which continue to evolve even today.
Ayodhya Part 6: The Making of “Mullah Mulayam”
AVIRAL VIRKUPDATED: 11.11.17SHORT DOQS7 min read
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The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
“Masjid par parindaa bhi par nahin maar sakega” (I won’t let even a bird enter the Masjid), said Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav, even as a determined L K Advani ploughed along on his Rath to reach Ayodhya.
The inevitable confrontation on the state border was averted when Bihar Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav arrested Advani on October 23, 1990. But for the one week that Advani was cooped up in the rest house at the Massanjore Dam, UP suffered its worst communal backlash in recent times.
Security was heightened in Faizabad and adjoining districts after 80 people were killed in riots sparked by a false rumour.
In this communally charged atmosphere, UP Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav while addressing a public meeting on September 16, suggested that devotees who planned on undertaking the 14-kosi parikrama stay away. The 14-kosi parikrama entails a 45-kilometer walk around Ayodhya to mark the number of years that Ram spent in exile.
If Advani’s arrest defined Lalu’s brand of politics, the police firing on kar sevaks gave Mulayam an inalienable support base. (Photo: Reuters)
If Advani’s arrest defined Lalu’s brand of politics, the police firing on kar sevaks gave Mulayam an inalienable support base. (Photo: Reuters)
Meanwhile in Delhi, parallel meetings were taking place. Prime Minister VP Singh was in talks with VHP and RSS leaders to arrive at a plan wherein an ordinance passed by the Centre would permit the construction of a Ram Mandir. But the idea was junked after Zafaryab Jilani, convenor of the Babri Masjid Action Committee, confronted the leadership and expressed his surprise at not being made party to these talks.
This led to further distrust among those fighting to save the Babri Masjid and angered those leading the crusade for a Ram Mandir.
Between Advani’s arrest on October 23 and the scheduled date of the kar seva (volunteering for temple construction), VHP and Bajrang Dal activists continued to pour into Ayodhya. Mulayam Singh Yadav had restricted entry into Faizabad, but the ban was difficult for security agencies to enforce considering the kar seva coincided with Kartik Purnima – a religious ceremony in which an entire family takes a dip in holy rivers like the Sarayu.
October 30, 1990
On the scheduled day for VHP’s kar seva, the police had barricaded the 1.5-kilometre-long uphill climb to the disputed structure. Defying the curfew, thousands of kar sevaks thronged the Hanuman Garhi crossing, which led to the monument.
Despite restricted entry, thousands of kar sevaks managed to converge at Hanuman Garhi between October 30 – November 2, 1990. (Photo: The Quint)
Despite restricted entry, thousands of kar sevaks managed to converge at Hanuman Garhi between October 30 – November 2, 1990. (Photo: The Quint)
At around 11 AM, a sadhu managed to gain control of an Armed Constabulary bus in which the police were piling up detainees. The sadhu drove the bus right through the barricades, making way for the others to follow on foot. The security forces who were caught off guard, were forced to chase about 5000 kar sevaks who stormed through the heavily-guarded premises.
With clear instructions from the Mulayam Singh Yadav-government to not allow any damage to the mosque, the police, that had so far been deploying teargas shells to disperse the crowd, resorted to firing actual bullets when a few kar sevaks managed to climb the dome of the mosque and unfurl a saffron flag.
(Photo Courtesy: October 31, 1990 edition of the Chicago Tribune)
(Photo Courtesy: October 31, 1990 edition of the Chicago Tribune)
As per the official figures, five kar sevaks were killed in the firing in Ayodhya on October 30, 1990.
Angry kar sevaks claimed the death toll was being grossly understated by the state government and an uneasy silence prevailed in Ayodhya for the next 48 hours.
November 2, 1990
First-time BJP MP Uma Bharti, VHP Joint Secretary Ashok Singhal and Swami Vamdeo of the RSS led about 15000 kar sevaks through the narrow lanes that converge at the Hanuman Garhi crossing.
The police had barricaded entry into the lane that goes through the Hanuman Temple right up to the disputed structure. Several armed policemen had taken positions on the roofs of the shops lining the ill-fated chowk.
This time, the kar sevaks adopted a clever strategy. Old men and women were ordered to go right up front. The elderly kar sevaks would touch the police officials’ feet and they would instinctively step back. Indian tradition, remember prohibits an older person from touching a younger one’s feet. Every time the cops recoiled, the kar sevaks would move a foot forward.
But the drama did not last long.
Then: A wooden barrier did little to prevent kar sevaks from storming into Hanuman Garhi. (Photo: The Quint)
Then: A wooden barrier did little to prevent kar sevaks from storming into Hanuman Garhi. (Photo: The Quint)
Now: The view from the roof of the sweet shop from where journalists saw the altercation. (Photo: The Quint)
Now: The view from the roof of the sweet shop from where journalists saw the altercation. (Photo: The Quint)
Journalists who were watching from one of the roofs remember the police firing at the kar sevaks without any warning. It is only when foreign journalists tried to push through the police cordon into the battle zone, did the police stop firing.
Around 3 PM, the kar sevaks dragged the bodies of the deceased into a nearby temple, but refused to conduct their final rites. They demanded to march again at 6 AM. Swami Vamdeo tried to calm them down, but was forced to lock himself up in the strongroom of the basement of a temple after kar sevaks started heckling him.
The congested Hanuman Garhi (seen in the backdrop) crossing where atleast 20 kar sevaks were shot dead in October–November 1990. (Photo: Reuters)
The congested Hanuman Garhi (seen in the backdrop) crossing where atleast 20 kar sevaks were shot dead in October–November 1990. (Photo: Reuters)
It is here for the first time that Vinay Katiyar of the Bajrang Dal emerged as an inspirational figure for the kar sevaks. In a passionate speech, he held the police responsible for the death of the kar sevaks and issued a 24-hour ultimatum to the Mulayam Singh Yadav government to open up the road and rail routes and allow devotees to pray to Ram’s idols inside the disputed structure.
Considering the brutal police action and the sheer number of kar sevaks who had managed to get inside Faizabad, the state government relented. The road and rail routes were opened up and kar sevaks were allowed to go inside the disputed structure and pray to Ram Lalla in batches.
No warning shots were fired by the police, according to journalists who witnessed the November 2, 1990 clash between kar sevaks and the police. (Photo: The Quint)
No warning shots were fired by the police, according to journalists who witnessed the November 2, 1990 clash between kar sevaks and the police. (Photo: The Quint)
Overall, around 15 kar sevaks were killed, as per disputed official figures. The incident earned the Chief Minister the title of “Mullah Mulayam” and the unfaltering loyalty of the Muslim voters in Uttar Pradesh.
In a 2013 interview, Mulayam Singh Yadav, who formed the Samajwadi Party shortly after the firing, admitted it to be a “painful decision” that cost him the state assembly election that was held six months after the firing.
On November 4, the last rites of the “martyrs” were finally held. Their ashes were taken across the country to towns and villages to rouse the rage that would finally bring down the Babri Masjid two years later.
Ayodhya Part 7: Demolition of the Disputed Structure
UPDATED: 11.11.17SHORT DOQS9 min read
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The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
1991 was an incredible year for the BJP. In its third General Election, the party won 119 seats. And while the Congress still formed the government with PV Narasimha Rao as Prime Minister, the BJP was increasing its footprints across India.
That year, the BJP assumed power in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra and most pertinently in Uttar Pradesh.
The party credited its electoral success to its promise of a ‘Ram Rajya’ and considered its mandate as an endorsement for rebuilding the Ram Temple in Ayodhya.
Advani’s 1990 Rath Yatra was instrumental in mobilising people against the VP Singh government’s Mandal politics, and creating awareness about the demand for a Ram Temple. (Illustration: Hardeep Singh)
Advani’s 1990 Rath Yatra was instrumental in mobilising people against the VP Singh government’s Mandal politics, and creating awareness about the demand for a Ram Temple. (Illustration: Hardeep Singh)
On July 10, 1990 the Tourism Department of the Uttar Pradesh government headed by Kalyan Singh acquired 2.77 acre land in front of the disputed property to “promote tourism and provide amenities to visitors”.
The land was handed over to the Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas on lease for the construction of a temple for a consideration of one rupee.
Kalyan Singh (Centre) warned the state police not to use force against the kar sevaks who continued to make structural changes to the buildings located in the 2.77 acre acquired by his government for “tourist activities”. (Photo: Reuters)
Kalyan Singh (Centre) warned the state police not to use force against the kar sevaks who continued to make structural changes to the buildings located in the 2.77 acre acquired by his government for “tourist activities”. (Photo: Reuters)
The High Court that had earlier permitted the acquisition, and allowed temporary construction, came down hard on the Kalyan Singh government after permanent structural changes were made to temples located in the disputed 2.77 acre between September-October 1991.
Later, a three-member commission appointed by the Supreme Court deemed the acquisition as “extraneous and for mala fide intentions” after it found a concrete platform had been constructed inside the premises.
(Graphic Courtesy: Rahul Gupta)
(Graphic Courtesy: Rahul Gupta)
The Countdown
In June 1992, the Ram Janmabhomi Nyas requested the state government’s permission to observe Chaturmas (four holy months of the Hindus), and to conduct kar seva on July 9.
Swami Satyanandi, Mahant Nritya Gopal Dass, Paramhans Ramchandra Das and Mahant Avaidyanath were at the forefront of mobilising sadhus, sants, devotees and kar sevaks.
Ramchandra Das Paramhans blesses a symbolic stone to be used in the construction of the Ram Mandir. The firebrand sadhu died in 2003 at the age of 93. (Photo: Reuters)
Ramchandra Das Paramhans blesses a symbolic stone to be used in the construction of the Ram Mandir. The firebrand sadhu died in 2003 at the age of 93. (Photo: Reuters)
From the first week of July, lakhs of people started arriving in Ayodhya to be part of the Chaturmas ceremony, and for the construction of a platform adjacent to the 2.77 acre area acquired by the UP government, next to the disputed structure.
The platform was being raised despite a High Court ban. The security agencies were unable to evict the kar sevaks because of strict instructions from the Kalyan Singh government against the use of force. The ball was in the Prime Minister’s court.
Models of the proposed Ram Temple were taken to religious conventions around the country by the VHP. (Photo: Reuters)
Models of the proposed Ram Temple were taken to religious conventions around the country by the VHP. (Photo: Reuters)
On July 21, 1992 PV Narasimha Rao asked the RSS and VHP to convince the sadhus to stop the construction, but no one owned up to the responsibility, forcing the Centre to directly engage with the religious leaders.
Pressure from the Babri Masjid Action Committee and fears of a communal backlash forced Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao to intervene and seek a suspension of the kar seva in July 1992. (Photo: Reuters)
Pressure from the Babri Masjid Action Committee and fears of a communal backlash forced Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao to intervene and seek a suspension of the kar seva in July 1992. (Photo: Reuters)
On July 23, 1992 religious leaders flew down to Delhi to meet the Prime Minister. They agreed to stop the construction for three months within which Narasimha Rao promised to find a solution.
The deadline lapsed without any result.
On October 29-30, 1992 the VHP organised a Dharam Sansad and decided to resume the kar seva on December 6, 1992.
The Babri Masjid in early 1900. (Photo Courtesy: The British Library Board)
The Babri Masjid in early 1900. (Photo Courtesy: The British Library Board)
The Demolition
By December 6, 1992 at least 2,00,000 kar sevaks had arrived in Ayodhya from Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Karnataka and UP. Never before had the RSS, VHP, or the Bajrang Dal managed to put up such a big attendance.
6 AM: A steady stream of journalists and kar sevaks arrives at the disputed structure, RSS cadres wearing arm bands cordon the boundary to limit the symbolic kar seva to the platform that had been raised in defiance of the Court’s orders. The plan was for kar sevaks to bring water and sand from the Sarayu river and scrub the platform clean and to perform prayers.
The symbolic kar seva entailed taking water and mud from the Sarayu river and clean the platform constructed illegally near the disputed structure. (Photo: The Quint)
The symbolic kar seva entailed taking water and mud from the Sarayu river and clean the platform constructed illegally near the disputed structure. (Photo: The Quint)
10:00 AM: Senior BJP leaders like LK Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi, who had concluded their rath yatras after travelling within UP to mobilise support for the kar seva arrive at the platform to review the arrangements.
10:30 AM: The senior BJP, RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal leaders move to the dais on the roof of the Ram Katha Kunj, about 200 metres away.
The route to the disputed land in Ayodhya is heavily barricaded. (Photo: Reuters)
The route to the disputed land in Ayodhya is heavily barricaded. (Photo: Reuters)
11 AM: The cleaning commences and the sadhus begin chanting prayers. Within minutes, the first of the several wooden barriers that had been set up overnight are breached by kar sevaks wearing bright yellow bands. The RSS volunteers are seen trying to stop the angry kar sevaks from barging into the cordoned area. A long loud whistle is heard and kar sevaks are seen moving towards the breach point. The slogan –“Mandir yaheen banayenge” can be heard.
Once the barrier was broken, there was no stopping the kar sevaks from storming the disputed structure. (Photo: The Quint)
Once the barrier was broken, there was no stopping the kar sevaks from storming the disputed structure. (Photo: The Quint)
11:15 AM: At the platform, more kar sevaks barge into the cordoned area and move towards the barbed wire cordon protecting the disputed structure from the area in which the prayers are on. PAC personnel and RSS cadres try and stop the kar sevaks ,but are forced to take cover after the crowds outside start pelting stones.
Kar sevaks wave saffron flags after climbing on top of one of the three domes of the Babri Masjid. (Photo: The Quint)
Kar sevaks wave saffron flags after climbing on top of one of the three domes of the Babri Masjid. (Photo: The Quint)
11: 30 AM: A teenager scales the protective steel railings and jumps through the barbed wires. Within minutes, he is seen on top of one of the smaller domes of the disputed structure. With the kar sevaks’ attack becoming fiercer, the armed police have no option but to run for cover. Hundreds of kar sevaks are seen moving towards the disputed structure with ropes, hammers, pickaxes and sickles.
While some climbed the domes, hundreds of other kar sevaks started attacking the base of the structure. (Photo: The Quint)
While some climbed the domes, hundreds of other kar sevaks started attacking the base of the structure. (Photo: The Quint)
11:45 AM: Another loud whistle is heard and a concerted attack begins on journalists who can be identified with prominent pink badges given to them by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad organisers a day earlier. Cameras are smashed to the ground, other recording devices, pens and notebooks are snatched away. Those who tried to resist are physically attacked.
A frenzied mob took down the 16the century disputed structure within five hours on December 6, 1992. (Photo: The Quint)
A frenzied mob took down the 16the century disputed structure within five hours on December 6, 1992. (Photo: The Quint)
12 PM: When the onslaught looks inevitable, paramilitary forces remove Lord Ram’s idols from the sanctum sanctorum. All three domes of the structure are drowned in angry kar sevaks who hammer away at the concrete.
12:30 PM: Senior leaders like Advani make a feeble attempt to convince the kar sevaks to stop, but his pleas go unheard.
2 PM: The first dome collapses. About 25 kar sevaks are buried under the concrete and the dust cloud. They are extricated immediately and rushed to the hospital.
3:30 PM: The second dome gives way.
The entire area was enveloped in dust as each of the three domes came down. (Photo: The Quint)
The entire area was enveloped in dust as each of the three domes came down. (Photo: The Quint)
5 PM: The main dome collapses with a loud thud. In the distance, smoke can be seen billowing from houses belonging to Muslims. Angry kar sevaks had gone on a rampage after the demolition.
6 PM: Water is pumped into a crude mud tank-like structure. Kar sevaks begin mixing cement and laying a staircase to the sanctum sanctorum. A tent is pitched and Ram Lalla’s idols are brought back.
The Aftermath
The structure was demolished, but the dispute remained unresolved. The Liberhan Commission constituted by the Centre was to submit its report within three months. But the one-man commission was able to submit his report only seventeen years later, to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on June 30, 2009.
Justice MS Liberhan submits the one-man Commission report on the demolition of the Babri Masjid to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on June 30, 2009. (Photo: PTI)
Justice MS Liberhan submits the one-man Commission report on the demolition of the Babri Masjid to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on June 30, 2009. (Photo: PTI)
It held 68 people culpable, including L K Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi, Atal Bihari Vajpaye and then UP Chief Minister Kalyan Singh.
A year later, on October 1, 2010, the Allahabad High Court pronounced its verdict in the sixty-year old case. The three-judge bench – Justice S U Khan, Justice Sudhir Agarwal and Justice D V Sharma – divided the disputed land in three parts between all three litigants – one-third for the Sunni Waqf Board, one-third for the Nirmohi Akhara and one-third to the party for ‘Ram Lalla’.
Rapid Action Force personnel on patrol in Ayodhya on the day the High Court pronounced its verdict. (Photo: Reuters)
Rapid Action Force personnel on patrol in Ayodhya on the day the High Court pronounced its verdict. (Photo: Reuters)
Various groups like the Nirmohi Akhara, Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha, Jamait Ulama-I-Hind and Sunni Central Wakf Board appealed the Supreme Court against the High Court order.
In May 2011, the Supreme Court issued a stay order on not just the disputed 2.77 acre, but the entire 67 acre area. In its observation, the Supreme Court said:
This is very strange and surprising. Nobody has prayed for partition of the area. The Allahabad High Court has given a new relief which was not sought by anybody.
No untoward incident was reported on the 23rd anniversary of the demolition of the disputed structure. (Photo: The Quint)
No untoward incident was reported on the 23rd anniversary of the demolition of the disputed structure. (Photo: The Quint)
Current Status
Records dating back to the 16th century and other documents written in Persian, Urdu and several other languages are being translated into English. But Justice TS Thakur, now the new Chief Justice of India has said the matter could come up for hearing in the next ten years or so, because of the sheer backlog of cases at the Apex Court.
Someday or the other, the case (civil appeal) will be heard. Even after 10 or 15 years whenever matter comes up, one has to proceed in methodical manner. We don’t have any policy (particular line of opinion) in the case,” Justice Thakur had observed. The apex court has currently over 55,000 pending cases.
Justice TS Thakur, Chief Justice of India
AVIRAL VIRKUPDATED: 11.11.17SHORT DOQS8 min read
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The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
The year was 1949. Independent India was two years old. While Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was grappling with an ideal called India, his deputy, Sardar Vallabhai Patel was defining its frontiers. As the people of a free, yet divided nation were still recovering from the partition – which ripped apart our social fabric – somewhere in Uttar Pradesh, the ground was being prepared for a confrontation in Ayodhya on the night of 22 December 1949.
At 3 am, a flash of lightning was seen and Sri Ram appeared at the Babri Masjid. This supposedly divine occurrence was the first turning point in the “centuries long” struggle of the Hindus to “liberate Ram Janmbhoomi” i.e. Babri Masjid, which was commissioned by Babur’s commander Mir Baqi in 1528. It is also claimed that he did so after destroying a temple which marked the exact spot where Lord Ram was born.
Also read and watch:
Ayodhya DeQoded, Part 2: Did a Divine Monkey Unlock Babri Masjid?
Ayodhya DeQoded, Part 3: Ram Mandir First Politicised by Congress
Ayodhya DeQoded, Part 4: Political Desperation Led to Shilanyas
Ayodhya DeQoded ,Part 5: Mandal’s Caste & Quota vs BJP’s Rath & Ram
Ayodhya DeQoded, Part 6: The Making of “Mullah Mulayam”
Ayodhya DeQoded, Part 7: Demolition of the Disputed Structure
“The Place Where Angels Descend”
But a more earthly explanation exists in the FIR lodged on December 23, 1949, in which the officer-in-charge of the Ayodhya Police Station, Pandit Ramdeo Dubey named three individuals – Abhiram Das, Ram Sakal Das and Sudarshan Das – and charged them with sections related to rioting, trespassing and defiling a place of worship. The same charges were also levelled against another 50 to 60 unknown people.
[…] a group of 50 to 60 persons have entered the Babri Masjid by breaking open the locks of the compound and also by scaling the walls and staircases and placed an idol of Shri Bhagwan in it and scribbled sketches of Sita, Ramji etc. in saffron and yellow colours on the inner and outer walls of it [...] Committers of crime have desecrated (naapak kiya) the mosque by trespassing through rioting.
A 6-ft tall priest with a quick temper, Abhiram Das began to be hailed as the “Liberator” or “Uddharak Baba”. But could this elaborate plan to convert a Masjid into a Mandir have been possible without the local administration’s help?
The Babri Masjid in early 1900. (Photo Courtesy: The British Library Board)
The Babri Masjid in early 1900. (Photo Courtesy: The British Library Board)
No Miracle, This
Guru Dutt Singh was the City Magistrate at the time, and according to his grandson, Shakti Singh, a BJP leader in Faizabad, a “pakka Hinduvadi”. Vegetarian and a teetotaler, Guru Dutt Singh was a Ram bhakt.
Guru Dutt Singh was a civil administrator from before Independence, and masterminded the plan to convert the Babri Masjid into a temple. (Photo: The Quint)
Guru Dutt Singh was a civil administrator from before Independence, and masterminded the plan to convert the Babri Masjid into a temple. (Photo: The Quint)
His son Guru Basant Singh, 86, needed some coaxing, but recalled vivid details, while speaking to The Quint about the secret meetings held in his house ‘Ram Bhavan’. He was 15-years-old then and would often eavesdrop while serving tea and water to the visitors, which included District Magistrate KK Nayar, Superintendent of Police Kripal Singh and Judge Thakur Bir Singh.
The city’s top four administrators were adamant on executing the plan to place Ram’s idols inside the Babri. Who was going to object and to what end? On the face of it, they behaved like vigilant officials, but in reality they allowed devotees to pour in and perform kar seva.
Guru Basant Singh
But why did they feel the need to conjure up a miracle, instead of owning up to their actions? Guru Basant Singh explains that the demand for a Ram Mandir had to be chanelled into a people’s movement and what better way to whip up religious fervour than by claiming Ram Lalla himself appeared at his birthplace?
(Graphic Courtesy: Rahul Gupta)
(Graphic Courtesy: Rahul Gupta)
Guru Dutt Singh’s senior, Faizabad District Magistrate KK Nayar was a soft-spoken Malayali, known to be sympathetic to the Hindu Mahasabha – the oldest Hindu nationalist political party. Incidentally, he had taken official leave on the day when people forced entry into the Babri, but he did not leave Faizabad.
KK Nayar’s complicity in the entire ordeal is further confirmed by the fact that despite arriving at the scene at 4 am, he did not inform his seniors in Lucknow till 10:30 am.
A few Hindus entered Babri Masjid at night when the Masjid was deserted and installed a deity there. DM and SP and force at spot. Situation under control. Police picket of 15 persons was on duty at night but did not apparently act.
KK Nayar’s radio message to Chief Minister of the United Provinces Gobind Ballabh Pant.
In the nearly 5 hours that he was present at the Babri Masjid, Nayar made no attempts to remove the idols and have the mosque vacated. He later joined the Jan Sangh and was also elected Member of Parliament.
What Was PM Nehru Doing?
On 26 December 1949, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru wrote a telegram to Gobind Ballabh Pant, expressing his distress over the “dangerous example being set there which will have bad consequences.” He followed up on 5 February 1950 with a letter asking Pant if he should visit Ayodhya.
But Nehru Would Never Make That Visit
That the 22 December 1949 incident was a “well-planned conspiracy involving national, provincial and local level leaders” is up for debate even 66 years after the idols were placed inside the Babri Masjid.
The demolition was orchestrated fourty-three years after Ram Lalla’s idols were placed inside the Babri Masjid. (Photo: Reuters)
The demolition was orchestrated fourty-three years after Ram Lalla’s idols were placed inside the Babri Masjid. (Photo: Reuters)
But on the ground, it continued to be treated as a localised communal incident by the administration and the media. The events that unfolded on 22 December 1949 destroyed the status quo set by the British in allowing Hindus and Muslims to worship at the mosque.
But it took another four decades for the VHP, the BJP and the Congress to act in an unintended concert that led to LK Advani to launch the Rath Yatra, sparking a mass movement that ended with the demolition of the Babri Masjid on 6 December 1992.
The Babri Masjid premises were locked down for all under section 145 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. Interim orders in civil suits, filed soon after, put restrictions on the removal of the idols, and interfering with their worship. Till 6 December 1992, the gates of the mosque remained practically shut, only allowing for the entry and exit of priests who performed daily rituals.
Ayodhya Part 2: Did a Divine Monkey Unlock Babri Masjid?
AVIRAL VIRKUPDATED: 11.11.17SHORT DOQS4 min read
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The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
On December 22-23, 1949, idols of Ram Lalla were surreptitiously placed inside the Babri Masjid. Two days later, a civil suit forced devotees out and ordered for status quo to be maintained. The mosque would stay, as would the idols, to be tended to by a designated priest who had access through a side entrance at the disputed site.
So who ended the 36-year-old status quo? There are three prime suspects – a district court Judge, the Rajiv Gandhi government, and a monkey with divine sanction.
Unlocking the Gates of Discord
On 1 February 1986, Faizabad District Judge KM Pandey ordered the Babri Masjid be unlocked. He observed, “[...] Muslims are not going to be affected by any stretch of imagination if the locks of the gates are opened and idols inside the premises are allowed to be seen and worshipped by pilgrims and devotees. Heavens will not fall if the locks of the gates are removed”.
He couldn’t have been more wrong.
On 14 February 1986, Muslim groups observed a ‘Black Day’ in protest against the opening of the locks at the Babri Masjid. There was nation-wide rioting, especially in Delhi, Meerut, Uttar Pradesh, and Anantnag, Jammu and Kashmir.
Kameshwer Temple in Srinagar was among those destroyed in Kashmir. (Photo Courtesy: Kashmiri Pandit Sangarsh Samiti, Srinagar)
Kameshwer Temple in Srinagar was among those destroyed in Kashmir. (Photo Courtesy: Kashmiri Pandit Sangarsh Samiti, Srinagar)
Interestingly, two officials representing the Congress government at the Centre (Rajiv Gandhi), and the state (Narayan Dutt Tiwari) testified in court, saying they anticipated no law and order situation if the locks were to be opened. They said so despite the fact that the petition wanted permission for Hindu devotees to pray at a mosque, which was desecrated by Pandit Abhiram Das more than three decades ago.
The legal argument for opening the locks was based on the fact that no prior order directing the mosque be locked, was presented before the court.
A day later, on 15 February 1986, the Babri Masjid Action Committee was formed, and a young lawyer, who had emerged at the forefront of protests and town hall meetings in Lucknow, Zafaryab Jilani became its convenor.
Zafaryab Jilani says rebuilding the mosque is the ultimate objective of the All India Babri Masjid Action Commitee. (Photo: The Quint)
Zafaryab Jilani says rebuilding the mosque is the ultimate objective of the All India Babri Masjid Action Commitee. (Photo: The Quint)
Within half an hour of the order being passed, the padlock on the main gate to the Babri Masjid was broken. Doordarshan happened to be on standby, and telecast the proceedings on national television.
Intervention of a Divine Monkey
But there was apparently another reason why Judge Pandey made the decision to open the gates of the Babri. In his autobiography, Pandey wrote that a monkey, which he took to be some divine power, validated his decision.
A black monkey was sitting for the whole day on the roof of the court room holding the flag post. Thousands of people of Faizabad and Ayodhya [...] offered him groundnuts and fruits. Strangely, the monkey did not touch any of the offerings [...] The district magistrate and SSP escorted me to my bungalow. The monkey was present in the verandah of my bungalow. I was surprised to see him. I just saluted him, taking him to be some divine power.
The call for a mandir at the exact same spot, “Mandir vahin banayenge” was heard for the first time after the disputed structure was unlocked on the Faizabad district court’s orders. Not only did the unlocking bring the Ayodhya dispute back into the national discourse, it also pushed the issue into the realm of organised politics.
Ayodhya Part 3: Ram Mandir First Politicised by Congress
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The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
The Meenakshipuram Conversions
On 19 February 1981, two hundred dalit families in Meenakshipuram village in Tirunelveli district of Tamil Nadu converted to Islam. A collective spontaneous decision, according to a SC/ST welfare report, it was prompted by years of oppression by the landed Thevar community. The village which earlier had only two Muslim families was renamed Rahmat Nagar.
Ashok Singhal (Right) was a full-time RSS Pracharak and was moved to the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) as its Joint Secretary after the Meenakshipuram Conversions.
Ashok Singhal (Right) was a full-time RSS Pracharak and was moved to the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) as its Joint Secretary after the Meenakshipuram Conversions.
(Photo: Reuters)
Around Rs 40,000 was collected for the mass conversion ceremony, which turned into a rallying point for Hindu nationalist organisations. Religious and cultural organisations like the Arya Samaj and Vishwa Hindu Parishad made their way to Rahmat Nagar, while more militant ones like the Hindu Munnani came into existence. The BJP raked up the issue in Parliament and demanded the source of these funds be investigated by the CBI. In fact, Atal Bihari Vajpayee was among the several BJP, and Sangh Parivar leaders who visited the otherwise nondescript village.
Conferences to discuss Hindu scriptures and religion were organized by the VHP more aggressively after the Meenakshipuram Conversions.
Conferences to discuss Hindu scriptures and religion were organized by the VHP more aggressively after the Meenakshipuram Conversions.
(Photo: Reuters)
Keepers of Hindu Morality Rattled
On 7-8 April 1984, VHP’s Ashok Singhal organised a Dharam Sansad, or a religious parliament at Delhi’s Vigyan Bhavan. Around 500 sadhus from across the country gathered and agreed that the Meenakshipuram conversions were indicative of “the manner in which Hinduism is currently functioning is not acceptable to a large number of people.”
It is here, for the first time, that building a Ram Mandir was listed as an objective to promote and preserve the Hindu dharma.
In September 1984, the VHP followed up its Dharam Sansad with a bike rally that ended at the banks of the Sarayu river in Ayodhya. VHP activists pledged to rebuild a Ram Mandir by mobilising Hindus from across the country. The kar sevaks were to lay the foundation for a Mandir on 31 October 1984, but news of Indira Gandhi’s assassination thwarted that plan.
Lord Ram’s capital Ayodhya is situated on the banks of the Sarayu river, a tributary of Ganga.
Lord Ram’s capital Ayodhya is situated on the banks of the Sarayu river, a tributary of Ganga.
(Photo: The Quint)
In December 1984, Rajiv Gandhi was elected Prime Minister of the country in a historic election which gave him three-fourth majority in the Parliament. The Congress won 404 seats in a 533 strong Lower House. The BJP, incidentally, debuted with 2 seats.
If the politicisation of the Ayodhya movement was inadvertent due to the Meenakshipuram conversions, the Rajiv Gandhi government’s handling of the Shah Bano verdict was a calculated move that paid little dividend.
The Shah Bano Case
By mid-1984, Rajiv Gandhi was struggling to find his feet, while balancing what was fast evolving into a communal tug-of-war.
On 23 April 1985, a 62-year old Muslim woman Shah Bano won the right to alimony in the Supreme Court. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi welcomed the judgement at first, but in May 1986 he was forced to bow down to pressure from the Muslim clergy. They wanted to reserve the right to enforce their religious law and the Congress government obliged by passing The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act 1986, which aimed to undermine the Supreme Court ruling.
As expected, the BJP and other Hindu organisations mounted their offensive against Rajiv Gandhi’s “appeasement politics”.
The Congress lost 207 of the 404 seats that it occupied in the Lok Sabha in the 1989 General Election, making way for the National Front alliance comprising of the Janata Dal and BJP to form the government.
The Congress lost 207 of the 404 seats that it occupied in the Lok Sabha in the 1989 General Election, making way for the National Front alliance comprising of the Janata Dal and BJP to form the government.
(Photo: Reuters)
Politicisation of the Ayodhya Movement
The Congress’ ability to cater to both sides, because of its political might in the Parliament, and the Babri Masjid Action Committee’s nation-wide activities were bound to put pressure on the BJP’s nationalist credentials. During it’s 1989 Convention in Palampur, the party reiterated:
The National Executive of the BJP regards the current debate on the Ramjanmabhoomi issue as one which has dramatically highlighted the callous unconcern which the Congress party in particular, and the other political parties in general, betray towards the sentiments of the overwhelming majority in this country – the Hindus
The BJP positioned its crusade for a Ram Mandir as a reaction to Congress’ “betrayal” of Hindu sentiments. (Photo: Reuters)
The BJP positioned its crusade for a Ram Mandir as a reaction to Congress’ “betrayal” of Hindu sentiments. (Photo: Reuters)
This proved to be a turning point in the politicisation of the Ayodhya movement.
With the Palampur resolution, the BJP picked a goalpost and gave political legitimacy to a religious movement, forcing the Congress to play ball in the 1989 General Election, and endorse the Ram Mandir foundation stone laying (Shilanyas) at Ayodhya.
A series of political miscalculations by Rajiv Gandhi would lead the BJP to completely hijack the Ayodhya movement, and launch a Rath Yatra. The party would eventually raise its strength in the Parliament from two, to 85, to 120 seats.
Ayodhya Part 4: Political Desperation Led to Shilanyas
AVIRAL VIRKUPDATED: 11.11.17SHORT DOQS6 min read
2.6k ENGAGEMENT
The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
It was the time when optimism around a young, technocrat Indian Prime Minister had faded. In spite of 75 percent seats in the Lok Sabha, Rajiv Gandhi was going into the 1989 General Election with his back against the wall.
The relentless unravelling of the Bofors scam by a determined media put Rajiv Gandhi under immense pressure. Mishandling of the situation in Punjab, Kashmir and Sri Lanka led to an escalation of violence. To make matter worse, Union Defence Minister VP Singh quit the Cabinet and subsequently the Congress Party to unite the Janata Dal, the BJP and the Left to form an opposition front – the Jan Morcha.
Congress workers protest against Rajiv Gandhi’s name was included in the list of those charged in the Bofors scam in November 1999. (Photo: Reuters)
Congress workers protest against Rajiv Gandhi’s name was included in the list of those charged in the Bofors scam in November 1999. (Photo: Reuters)
The Congress needed to reverse the country’s sentiment back in his favour. At the time, the BJP with its two MPs and their resolve to build the Ram Mandir, was not a serious contender. Latching on to the popular Hindu sentiment of the day, should’ve been the politically prudent move at the time.
And so, in October 1989, Rajiv Gandhi launched his election campaign from Faizabad and slipped in an unscripted reference to a ‘Ram Rajya’ in his speech written by Mani Shankar Aiyar.
VHP Rakes in Big Money
Earlier that year, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad announced it would conduct the Shilanyas or the foundation laying ceremony for a Ram Mandir on November 10, 1989. As soon as the decision was announced, the VHP’s coffers started filling up with donations from across India, UK and the United States of America. By its own admission, the VHP had collected Rs 8.29 crore for the Shilanyas. The amount was believed to be grossly understated by the Income Tax department that would later launch an investigation into the foreign transactions. The fact that the VHP claimed to be a “charitable organisation” and enjoyed significant tax exemptions, when its primary objective had become to build a Ram Temple, was disputed.
With this money, VHP started organising a nation-wide campaign to collect and consecrate ‘shilas’ or bricks from kilns in more than 2,00,000 villages. These bricks with ‘Sri Ram’ inscribed on them were wrapped in saffron cloth, worshipped and then brought to Ayodhya. Consequently, soil from Ayodhya was taken and distributed to these villages.
100 million people were estimated to be part of these processions.
Blurred Legal & Political Boundaries
On August 14, 1989, the Lucknow bench of the Allahabad High Court bunched together the four petitions regarding the dispute over Babri Masjid and ordered that status quo be maintained.
Ashok Singhal was prepared to defy this court order and the VHP continued collecting bricks, holding prayers and processions across the country. The communally charged atmosphere during the campaigning for the General Election necessitated the micro-management by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi who deputed Union Home Minister Buta Singh to travel to Ayodhya.
The VHP actively organised religious parliaments to spread awareness about the Hindu scriptures and Ram Janmabhoomi in the mid-1980s. (Photo: Reuters)
The VHP actively organised religious parliaments to spread awareness about the Hindu scriptures and Ram Janmabhoomi in the mid-1980s. (Photo: Reuters)
On September 27, Buta Singh, along with Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Narayan Dutt Tiwari met VHP Joint Secretary Ashok Singhal. The government agreed to allow the VHP to conduct a procession with the consecrated bricks or the Shila Yatra on the condition that the VHP leaders sign an accord promising to abide by the directions of the Allahabad High Court and to maintain peace.
[...] Abide by the directive of the Lucknow bench of Allahabad High Court given on 14.8.89 to the effect that the parties to the suit shall...not change the nature of the property in question and ensure that the peace and communal harmony are maintained.
Thousands of kar sevaks carrying shilas poured into Ayodhya. Sensing that the VHP did not care to abide by the signed accord, the government tried to make the VHP conduct the Shilanyas on an adjacent plot of land which it believed did not fall under the disputed property as specified by the high court.
The VHP was thought to have agreed to the government’s proposal, but a week before the scheduled Shilanyas, on November 2, a saffron flag was seen on the same plot that was claimed by the Sunni Waqkf Board.
The bricks that were collected and consecrated for the Shilanyas in 1989 are now stacked at the Nyas Karyashala in Ayodhya where a pre-fabricated temple is being built. (Photo: <b>The Quint</b>)
The bricks that were collected and consecrated for the Shilanyas in 1989 are now stacked at the Nyas Karyashala in Ayodhya where a pre-fabricated temple is being built. (Photo: The Quint)
The government approached the high court and three days before the proposed Shilanyas, on November 7, 1989 the court clarified that the August 14 order to maintain status quo was with regard to the 2.77-acre plot of land on which the foundation laying ceremony was proposed to be held.
Significantly, the judges also observed – “it is doubtful that some of the questions involved in the suit are soluble by judicial process”.
On November 8, 1989 the Uttar Pradesh government declared, on the advice of the State Advocate General SS Bhatnagar, that the site of the Shilanyas was not disputed land. He is believed to have ignored specific pages that listed details of the plots which were under dispute.
The government that was earlier trying to prevent the VHP from aggravating the communal tension, was within a span of two months actively aiding VHP’s plan to conduct the Shilanyas on a disputed piece of land.
The Shilanyas was a milestone in the Ayodhya movement which was replete with political and religious symbolism. The Congress’ desperation to retain power had led them to give their own accreditation to the Ram Mandir.
On November 9, 1989 the Vishwa Hindu Parishad conducted the Shilanyas and laid the Ram Mandir.
On the ground, it was a 7ft x7ft x7ft pit.
Ayodhya Part 5: Mandal’s Caste & Quota vs BJP’s Rath & Ram
AVIRAL VIRKUPDATED: 11.11.17SHORT DOQS7 min read
2.6k ENGAGEMENT
The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
A day before he was to kickstart the 10,000 kilometer Rath Yatra, Advani received an audio cassette from Manoj Kumar, the actor. On it, was a song by Lata Mageshkar that became the de facto anthem of his chariot march. The song was from a popular Hindi film starring Nutan and its lyrics just happened to meet the need of the hour.
The mission, as BJP President LK Advani chose to accept, was to undertake an extensive mass contact programme from the Somnath Temple in Gujarat to “Ram Janmabhoomi” Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh.
The Somnath Temple was a particularly coveted target for Mahmood Ghazni - a Turkish Sultan who plundered India seventeen times in a span of twenty-five years in AD 1001-26. The decision to pick the ‘Hindus only’ temple was heavy with religious and political symbolism.
In his autobiography, ‘My Country, My Life’, Advani traces the history of the restoration and rebuilding of the Somnath Temple. The Nawab of Junagadh defected to Pakistan leaving the Hindu-dominated province to India. The proposal to rebuild the temple was met with resistance from Maulana Abul Kalam Azad but Sardar Patel assumed an uncompromising stand on the matter and the proposal received the approval of the Nehru Cabinet.
In a position to exert some influence at the Centre, the BJP hoped to repeat history in Ayodhya.
Ruins of the Somnath Temple photographed in 1869. (Photo Courtesy: Tata Building India)
Ruins of the Somnath Temple photographed in 1869. (Photo Courtesy: Tata Building India)
Gold-plated pillars of the Somnath Temple. (Photo: Reuters)
Gold-plated pillars of the Somnath Temple. (Photo: Reuters)
Politics of Caste & Quota
On August 7, 1990 Prime Minister VP Singh accepted the Mandal Commission Report which had been lying in cold storage for ten years. The commission was constituted by the Morarji Desai government and given two extensions by the Indira Gandhi government “to determine the criteria for defining the socially and educationally backward classes”and “to recommend steps for their advancement.”
The Mandal commission recommended 27% reservation for Other Backward Classes at all levels of government service. In effect, it meant 52% of the country’s population at the time was eligible for reservation in government institutions and departments.
A large section of the upper caste Hindu and minority students rose in protest against the government’s decision.
The Rath
On September 12 1990, the BJP President LK Advani called for a press conference at the 11 Ashoka Road party office and announced his decision to join the VHP’s kar sewa for a Ram Mandir on October 30.
The original plan, according to LK Advani, was to visit few villages in some states on foot and whip up support for a Ram Mandir. Advani shared the plan with his close confidante Pramod Mahajan who pointed out that going on foot would slow the procession down. “A jeep yatra then?”, Advani asked.
Advani’s Rath Yatra was stopped a week before he could be part of VHP’s kar seva in Ayodhya. (Photo: The Quint)
Advani’s Rath Yatra was stopped a week before he could be part of VHP’s kar seva in Ayodhya. (Photo: The Quint)
But Mahajan had something a little more theatrical in mind and an air-conditioned Toyota mini-bus was redesigned to look like an ornate chariot that would traverse eight states and the union territory of Delhi.
Up until now, the BJP had remained nuanced in its opposition to the 27% reservation for OBCs. But as a relatively new Hindu nationalist party it could not afford to spurn its developing upper caste Hindu support base in North India.
Anti-Mandal Protests
On September 19, 1990, a commerce student at Delhi University’s Deshbandhu college, Rajiv Goswami, led a protest march to Delhi’s AIIMS intersection, poured oil over himself and lit a match.
Goswami was rushed to the Burns Ward of the Safdarjung hospital which was right across the road. He survived the self-immolation bid with serious damage to his liver and kidneys, which ultimately led to his demise in February 2004.
The otherwise busy crossing, was unofficially renamed ‘Rajiv Chowk’.
Rajiv Goswami died of complications brought on years after he set fire to himself. (Photo Courtesy: Chalu Purza)
Rajiv Goswami died of complications brought on years after he set fire to himself. (Photo Courtesy: Chalu Purza)
News of the self-immolation bid further enraged students who engaged with the police in what several publications described as a Tiananmen Square-like protest at Delhi’s Vijay Chowk. The violence was fast spreading to other cities and VP Singh’s continuance as Prime Minister looked increasingly untenable.
LK Advani was among the long list of VIPs who tried to visit Rajiv Goswami in hospital. Agitated anti-Mandal students did not allow the BJP President to even reach Goswami’s hospital bed. After the incident, the BJP ditched the nuance and specified its stand against Mandal.
BJP had secured 85 seats in the 1989 General Election and were finally in a position to influence national politics. (Photo: Reuters)
BJP had secured 85 seats in the 1989 General Election and were finally in a position to influence national politics. (Photo: Reuters)
The Yatra
On September 25 1990, Advani prayed at Somnath and kicked off the Rath Yatra. BJP General Secretary and Chief Strategist KN Govindacharya monitored the Yatra from Delhi. Preparations in Guajrat were handled by Shankersinh Vaghela and Narendra Modi. The Bajrang Dal ensured that crowds showed up accessorised with six-inch long tridents, which they insisted were symbolic and well under the size limit stated in the Arms Act. And Pramod Mahajan, who accompanied Advani, co-ordinated media interactions through the Yatra.
In his speeches, Advani projected Mandal as a ploy to divide the Hindu community. In effect, the Rath Yatra would project the BJP as an anti-Janta Dal, anti-Congress option that intended to unite Hindus not just on religious, but also political grounds.
This plunged the VP Singh government, that was already wracked by rumours of a rebellion on Rajiv Gandhi’s instigation, further into a state of uncertainty.
Slogan painted on the back of Advani’s rath read, “Go forward, we are with you. Progress towards a temple, we will be your hands”. (Photo: Screen grab/Ram Ke Naam)
Slogan painted on the back of Advani’s rath read, “Go forward, we are with you. Progress towards a temple, we will be your hands”. (Photo: Screen grab/Ram Ke Naam)
The reported communal violence that followed Advani’s Rath Yatra in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan and Haryana, was downplayed or denied by the BJP.
The VP Singh government, mindful of the adverse impact of the yatra on his government, did not move in to arrest Advani. Fear of a communal backlash in an already polarised atmosphere could have forced the PM to exercise restraint.
Instead, he held negotiations with his coalition partner BJP and its affiliates – the VHP and the RSS to reach some consensus on the unwavering demand for a Ram Mandir at the exact spot where Babri Masjid stood.
In the midst of these talks, on October 30, 1990, Advani reached Delhi. When the talks failed, Advani resumed the yatra and reached Bihar.
The Arrest
First-time Bihar Chief Minister and Janta Dal leader Lalu Prasad Yadav had warned Advani to turn back his Rath to Delhi. (Photo: Screemgrab/Ram Ke Naam)
First-time Bihar Chief Minister and Janta Dal leader Lalu Prasad Yadav had warned Advani to turn back his Rath to Delhi. (Photo: Screemgrab/Ram Ke Naam)
On October 23, 1990 Advani addressed a mammoth rally at Patna’s Gandhi Maidan and after holding meetings at Hajipur and Tajpur, reached the Samastipur circuit house at 2:30 am. Paramilitary forces were deployed early in the morning, the air-strip was readied and phone lines from Bihar to the rest of the country were temporarily snapped.
At 6 AM, RK Singh knocked on Advani’s door and showed him an arrest warrant. Before being taken away, he wrote a letter to the President informing him of the BJP’s decision to withdraw support to the VP Singh government.
R.K Singh (now a BJP MP from Ara) had been directed by Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav to arrest Advani. (Photo: Screen grab/Ram Ke Naam)
R.K Singh (now a BJP MP from Ara) had been directed by Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav to arrest Advani. (Photo: Screen grab/Ram Ke Naam)
Not only did Advani’s rath yatra set in motion the wheels for the ultimate desecration at Babri Masjid two years later, it also defined the country’s politics. It did away with the notion of secularism and created a “nationalist” and “secular” goalpost, the definitions of which continue to evolve even today.
Ayodhya Part 6: The Making of “Mullah Mulayam”
AVIRAL VIRKUPDATED: 11.11.17SHORT DOQS7 min read
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The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
“Masjid par parindaa bhi par nahin maar sakega” (I won’t let even a bird enter the Masjid), said Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav, even as a determined L K Advani ploughed along on his Rath to reach Ayodhya.
The inevitable confrontation on the state border was averted when Bihar Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav arrested Advani on October 23, 1990. But for the one week that Advani was cooped up in the rest house at the Massanjore Dam, UP suffered its worst communal backlash in recent times.
Security was heightened in Faizabad and adjoining districts after 80 people were killed in riots sparked by a false rumour.
In this communally charged atmosphere, UP Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav while addressing a public meeting on September 16, suggested that devotees who planned on undertaking the 14-kosi parikrama stay away. The 14-kosi parikrama entails a 45-kilometer walk around Ayodhya to mark the number of years that Ram spent in exile.
If Advani’s arrest defined Lalu’s brand of politics, the police firing on kar sevaks gave Mulayam an inalienable support base. (Photo: Reuters)
If Advani’s arrest defined Lalu’s brand of politics, the police firing on kar sevaks gave Mulayam an inalienable support base. (Photo: Reuters)
Meanwhile in Delhi, parallel meetings were taking place. Prime Minister VP Singh was in talks with VHP and RSS leaders to arrive at a plan wherein an ordinance passed by the Centre would permit the construction of a Ram Mandir. But the idea was junked after Zafaryab Jilani, convenor of the Babri Masjid Action Committee, confronted the leadership and expressed his surprise at not being made party to these talks.
This led to further distrust among those fighting to save the Babri Masjid and angered those leading the crusade for a Ram Mandir.
Between Advani’s arrest on October 23 and the scheduled date of the kar seva (volunteering for temple construction), VHP and Bajrang Dal activists continued to pour into Ayodhya. Mulayam Singh Yadav had restricted entry into Faizabad, but the ban was difficult for security agencies to enforce considering the kar seva coincided with Kartik Purnima – a religious ceremony in which an entire family takes a dip in holy rivers like the Sarayu.
October 30, 1990
On the scheduled day for VHP’s kar seva, the police had barricaded the 1.5-kilometre-long uphill climb to the disputed structure. Defying the curfew, thousands of kar sevaks thronged the Hanuman Garhi crossing, which led to the monument.
Despite restricted entry, thousands of kar sevaks managed to converge at Hanuman Garhi between October 30 – November 2, 1990. (Photo: The Quint)
Despite restricted entry, thousands of kar sevaks managed to converge at Hanuman Garhi between October 30 – November 2, 1990. (Photo: The Quint)
At around 11 AM, a sadhu managed to gain control of an Armed Constabulary bus in which the police were piling up detainees. The sadhu drove the bus right through the barricades, making way for the others to follow on foot. The security forces who were caught off guard, were forced to chase about 5000 kar sevaks who stormed through the heavily-guarded premises.
With clear instructions from the Mulayam Singh Yadav-government to not allow any damage to the mosque, the police, that had so far been deploying teargas shells to disperse the crowd, resorted to firing actual bullets when a few kar sevaks managed to climb the dome of the mosque and unfurl a saffron flag.
(Photo Courtesy: October 31, 1990 edition of the Chicago Tribune)
(Photo Courtesy: October 31, 1990 edition of the Chicago Tribune)
As per the official figures, five kar sevaks were killed in the firing in Ayodhya on October 30, 1990.
Angry kar sevaks claimed the death toll was being grossly understated by the state government and an uneasy silence prevailed in Ayodhya for the next 48 hours.
November 2, 1990
First-time BJP MP Uma Bharti, VHP Joint Secretary Ashok Singhal and Swami Vamdeo of the RSS led about 15000 kar sevaks through the narrow lanes that converge at the Hanuman Garhi crossing.
The police had barricaded entry into the lane that goes through the Hanuman Temple right up to the disputed structure. Several armed policemen had taken positions on the roofs of the shops lining the ill-fated chowk.
This time, the kar sevaks adopted a clever strategy. Old men and women were ordered to go right up front. The elderly kar sevaks would touch the police officials’ feet and they would instinctively step back. Indian tradition, remember prohibits an older person from touching a younger one’s feet. Every time the cops recoiled, the kar sevaks would move a foot forward.
But the drama did not last long.
Then: A wooden barrier did little to prevent kar sevaks from storming into Hanuman Garhi. (Photo: The Quint)
Then: A wooden barrier did little to prevent kar sevaks from storming into Hanuman Garhi. (Photo: The Quint)
Now: The view from the roof of the sweet shop from where journalists saw the altercation. (Photo: The Quint)
Now: The view from the roof of the sweet shop from where journalists saw the altercation. (Photo: The Quint)
Journalists who were watching from one of the roofs remember the police firing at the kar sevaks without any warning. It is only when foreign journalists tried to push through the police cordon into the battle zone, did the police stop firing.
Around 3 PM, the kar sevaks dragged the bodies of the deceased into a nearby temple, but refused to conduct their final rites. They demanded to march again at 6 AM. Swami Vamdeo tried to calm them down, but was forced to lock himself up in the strongroom of the basement of a temple after kar sevaks started heckling him.
The congested Hanuman Garhi (seen in the backdrop) crossing where atleast 20 kar sevaks were shot dead in October–November 1990. (Photo: Reuters)
The congested Hanuman Garhi (seen in the backdrop) crossing where atleast 20 kar sevaks were shot dead in October–November 1990. (Photo: Reuters)
It is here for the first time that Vinay Katiyar of the Bajrang Dal emerged as an inspirational figure for the kar sevaks. In a passionate speech, he held the police responsible for the death of the kar sevaks and issued a 24-hour ultimatum to the Mulayam Singh Yadav government to open up the road and rail routes and allow devotees to pray to Ram’s idols inside the disputed structure.
Considering the brutal police action and the sheer number of kar sevaks who had managed to get inside Faizabad, the state government relented. The road and rail routes were opened up and kar sevaks were allowed to go inside the disputed structure and pray to Ram Lalla in batches.
No warning shots were fired by the police, according to journalists who witnessed the November 2, 1990 clash between kar sevaks and the police. (Photo: The Quint)
No warning shots were fired by the police, according to journalists who witnessed the November 2, 1990 clash between kar sevaks and the police. (Photo: The Quint)
Overall, around 15 kar sevaks were killed, as per disputed official figures. The incident earned the Chief Minister the title of “Mullah Mulayam” and the unfaltering loyalty of the Muslim voters in Uttar Pradesh.
In a 2013 interview, Mulayam Singh Yadav, who formed the Samajwadi Party shortly after the firing, admitted it to be a “painful decision” that cost him the state assembly election that was held six months after the firing.
On November 4, the last rites of the “martyrs” were finally held. Their ashes were taken across the country to towns and villages to rouse the rage that would finally bring down the Babri Masjid two years later.
Ayodhya Part 7: Demolition of the Disputed Structure
UPDATED: 11.11.17SHORT DOQS9 min read
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The Quint retraces the events that led to the demolition of the disputed structure in this seven-part documentary series.
1991 was an incredible year for the BJP. In its third General Election, the party won 119 seats. And while the Congress still formed the government with PV Narasimha Rao as Prime Minister, the BJP was increasing its footprints across India.
That year, the BJP assumed power in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra and most pertinently in Uttar Pradesh.
The party credited its electoral success to its promise of a ‘Ram Rajya’ and considered its mandate as an endorsement for rebuilding the Ram Temple in Ayodhya.
Advani’s 1990 Rath Yatra was instrumental in mobilising people against the VP Singh government’s Mandal politics, and creating awareness about the demand for a Ram Temple. (Illustration: Hardeep Singh)
Advani’s 1990 Rath Yatra was instrumental in mobilising people against the VP Singh government’s Mandal politics, and creating awareness about the demand for a Ram Temple. (Illustration: Hardeep Singh)
On July 10, 1990 the Tourism Department of the Uttar Pradesh government headed by Kalyan Singh acquired 2.77 acre land in front of the disputed property to “promote tourism and provide amenities to visitors”.
The land was handed over to the Ram Janmabhoomi Nyas on lease for the construction of a temple for a consideration of one rupee.
Kalyan Singh (Centre) warned the state police not to use force against the kar sevaks who continued to make structural changes to the buildings located in the 2.77 acre acquired by his government for “tourist activities”. (Photo: Reuters)
Kalyan Singh (Centre) warned the state police not to use force against the kar sevaks who continued to make structural changes to the buildings located in the 2.77 acre acquired by his government for “tourist activities”. (Photo: Reuters)
The High Court that had earlier permitted the acquisition, and allowed temporary construction, came down hard on the Kalyan Singh government after permanent structural changes were made to temples located in the disputed 2.77 acre between September-October 1991.
Later, a three-member commission appointed by the Supreme Court deemed the acquisition as “extraneous and for mala fide intentions” after it found a concrete platform had been constructed inside the premises.
(Graphic Courtesy: Rahul Gupta)
(Graphic Courtesy: Rahul Gupta)
The Countdown
In June 1992, the Ram Janmabhomi Nyas requested the state government’s permission to observe Chaturmas (four holy months of the Hindus), and to conduct kar seva on July 9.
Swami Satyanandi, Mahant Nritya Gopal Dass, Paramhans Ramchandra Das and Mahant Avaidyanath were at the forefront of mobilising sadhus, sants, devotees and kar sevaks.
Ramchandra Das Paramhans blesses a symbolic stone to be used in the construction of the Ram Mandir. The firebrand sadhu died in 2003 at the age of 93. (Photo: Reuters)
Ramchandra Das Paramhans blesses a symbolic stone to be used in the construction of the Ram Mandir. The firebrand sadhu died in 2003 at the age of 93. (Photo: Reuters)
From the first week of July, lakhs of people started arriving in Ayodhya to be part of the Chaturmas ceremony, and for the construction of a platform adjacent to the 2.77 acre area acquired by the UP government, next to the disputed structure.
The platform was being raised despite a High Court ban. The security agencies were unable to evict the kar sevaks because of strict instructions from the Kalyan Singh government against the use of force. The ball was in the Prime Minister’s court.
Models of the proposed Ram Temple were taken to religious conventions around the country by the VHP. (Photo: Reuters)
Models of the proposed Ram Temple were taken to religious conventions around the country by the VHP. (Photo: Reuters)
On July 21, 1992 PV Narasimha Rao asked the RSS and VHP to convince the sadhus to stop the construction, but no one owned up to the responsibility, forcing the Centre to directly engage with the religious leaders.
Pressure from the Babri Masjid Action Committee and fears of a communal backlash forced Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao to intervene and seek a suspension of the kar seva in July 1992. (Photo: Reuters)
Pressure from the Babri Masjid Action Committee and fears of a communal backlash forced Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao to intervene and seek a suspension of the kar seva in July 1992. (Photo: Reuters)
On July 23, 1992 religious leaders flew down to Delhi to meet the Prime Minister. They agreed to stop the construction for three months within which Narasimha Rao promised to find a solution.
The deadline lapsed without any result.
On October 29-30, 1992 the VHP organised a Dharam Sansad and decided to resume the kar seva on December 6, 1992.
The Babri Masjid in early 1900. (Photo Courtesy: The British Library Board)
The Babri Masjid in early 1900. (Photo Courtesy: The British Library Board)
The Demolition
By December 6, 1992 at least 2,00,000 kar sevaks had arrived in Ayodhya from Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Karnataka and UP. Never before had the RSS, VHP, or the Bajrang Dal managed to put up such a big attendance.
6 AM: A steady stream of journalists and kar sevaks arrives at the disputed structure, RSS cadres wearing arm bands cordon the boundary to limit the symbolic kar seva to the platform that had been raised in defiance of the Court’s orders. The plan was for kar sevaks to bring water and sand from the Sarayu river and scrub the platform clean and to perform prayers.
The symbolic kar seva entailed taking water and mud from the Sarayu river and clean the platform constructed illegally near the disputed structure. (Photo: The Quint)
The symbolic kar seva entailed taking water and mud from the Sarayu river and clean the platform constructed illegally near the disputed structure. (Photo: The Quint)
10:00 AM: Senior BJP leaders like LK Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi, who had concluded their rath yatras after travelling within UP to mobilise support for the kar seva arrive at the platform to review the arrangements.
10:30 AM: The senior BJP, RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal leaders move to the dais on the roof of the Ram Katha Kunj, about 200 metres away.
The route to the disputed land in Ayodhya is heavily barricaded. (Photo: Reuters)
The route to the disputed land in Ayodhya is heavily barricaded. (Photo: Reuters)
11 AM: The cleaning commences and the sadhus begin chanting prayers. Within minutes, the first of the several wooden barriers that had been set up overnight are breached by kar sevaks wearing bright yellow bands. The RSS volunteers are seen trying to stop the angry kar sevaks from barging into the cordoned area. A long loud whistle is heard and kar sevaks are seen moving towards the breach point. The slogan –“Mandir yaheen banayenge” can be heard.
Once the barrier was broken, there was no stopping the kar sevaks from storming the disputed structure. (Photo: The Quint)
Once the barrier was broken, there was no stopping the kar sevaks from storming the disputed structure. (Photo: The Quint)
11:15 AM: At the platform, more kar sevaks barge into the cordoned area and move towards the barbed wire cordon protecting the disputed structure from the area in which the prayers are on. PAC personnel and RSS cadres try and stop the kar sevaks ,but are forced to take cover after the crowds outside start pelting stones.
Kar sevaks wave saffron flags after climbing on top of one of the three domes of the Babri Masjid. (Photo: The Quint)
Kar sevaks wave saffron flags after climbing on top of one of the three domes of the Babri Masjid. (Photo: The Quint)
11: 30 AM: A teenager scales the protective steel railings and jumps through the barbed wires. Within minutes, he is seen on top of one of the smaller domes of the disputed structure. With the kar sevaks’ attack becoming fiercer, the armed police have no option but to run for cover. Hundreds of kar sevaks are seen moving towards the disputed structure with ropes, hammers, pickaxes and sickles.
While some climbed the domes, hundreds of other kar sevaks started attacking the base of the structure. (Photo: The Quint)
While some climbed the domes, hundreds of other kar sevaks started attacking the base of the structure. (Photo: The Quint)
11:45 AM: Another loud whistle is heard and a concerted attack begins on journalists who can be identified with prominent pink badges given to them by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad organisers a day earlier. Cameras are smashed to the ground, other recording devices, pens and notebooks are snatched away. Those who tried to resist are physically attacked.
A frenzied mob took down the 16the century disputed structure within five hours on December 6, 1992. (Photo: The Quint)
A frenzied mob took down the 16the century disputed structure within five hours on December 6, 1992. (Photo: The Quint)
12 PM: When the onslaught looks inevitable, paramilitary forces remove Lord Ram’s idols from the sanctum sanctorum. All three domes of the structure are drowned in angry kar sevaks who hammer away at the concrete.
12:30 PM: Senior leaders like Advani make a feeble attempt to convince the kar sevaks to stop, but his pleas go unheard.
2 PM: The first dome collapses. About 25 kar sevaks are buried under the concrete and the dust cloud. They are extricated immediately and rushed to the hospital.
3:30 PM: The second dome gives way.
The entire area was enveloped in dust as each of the three domes came down. (Photo: The Quint)
The entire area was enveloped in dust as each of the three domes came down. (Photo: The Quint)
5 PM: The main dome collapses with a loud thud. In the distance, smoke can be seen billowing from houses belonging to Muslims. Angry kar sevaks had gone on a rampage after the demolition.
6 PM: Water is pumped into a crude mud tank-like structure. Kar sevaks begin mixing cement and laying a staircase to the sanctum sanctorum. A tent is pitched and Ram Lalla’s idols are brought back.
The Aftermath
The structure was demolished, but the dispute remained unresolved. The Liberhan Commission constituted by the Centre was to submit its report within three months. But the one-man commission was able to submit his report only seventeen years later, to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on June 30, 2009.
Justice MS Liberhan submits the one-man Commission report on the demolition of the Babri Masjid to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on June 30, 2009. (Photo: PTI)
Justice MS Liberhan submits the one-man Commission report on the demolition of the Babri Masjid to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on June 30, 2009. (Photo: PTI)
It held 68 people culpable, including L K Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi, Atal Bihari Vajpaye and then UP Chief Minister Kalyan Singh.
A year later, on October 1, 2010, the Allahabad High Court pronounced its verdict in the sixty-year old case. The three-judge bench – Justice S U Khan, Justice Sudhir Agarwal and Justice D V Sharma – divided the disputed land in three parts between all three litigants – one-third for the Sunni Waqf Board, one-third for the Nirmohi Akhara and one-third to the party for ‘Ram Lalla’.
Rapid Action Force personnel on patrol in Ayodhya on the day the High Court pronounced its verdict. (Photo: Reuters)
Rapid Action Force personnel on patrol in Ayodhya on the day the High Court pronounced its verdict. (Photo: Reuters)
Various groups like the Nirmohi Akhara, Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha, Jamait Ulama-I-Hind and Sunni Central Wakf Board appealed the Supreme Court against the High Court order.
In May 2011, the Supreme Court issued a stay order on not just the disputed 2.77 acre, but the entire 67 acre area. In its observation, the Supreme Court said:
This is very strange and surprising. Nobody has prayed for partition of the area. The Allahabad High Court has given a new relief which was not sought by anybody.
No untoward incident was reported on the 23rd anniversary of the demolition of the disputed structure. (Photo: The Quint)
No untoward incident was reported on the 23rd anniversary of the demolition of the disputed structure. (Photo: The Quint)
Current Status
Records dating back to the 16th century and other documents written in Persian, Urdu and several other languages are being translated into English. But Justice TS Thakur, now the new Chief Justice of India has said the matter could come up for hearing in the next ten years or so, because of the sheer backlog of cases at the Apex Court.
Someday or the other, the case (civil appeal) will be heard. Even after 10 or 15 years whenever matter comes up, one has to proceed in methodical manner. We don’t have any policy (particular line of opinion) in the case,” Justice Thakur had observed. The apex court has currently over 55,000 pending cases.
Justice TS Thakur, Chief Justice of India
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