Monday 27 February 2017

It is time to celebrate

It is time to celebrate
ఇది కఛ్ఛితంగా గర్వించదగ్గ సందర్భం!

భోపాల్ లో గ్యాస్ లీకయితే అక్కడికి వెళ్ళి బాధితుల్ని పరామర్శించి వచ్చాను.
శిక్కులు కష్టాల్లో వున్నప్పుడు వాళ్ళకు మద్దతుగా కథ రాశాను.
బలియాపాల్ టెస్ట్ రేంజ్ వ్యతిరేక పోరాటకారులకు స్వయంగా వెళ్ళి మద్దతు పలికాను.
గోర్ఖాల్యాండ్ ఉద్యమానికి మద్దతుగా  వ్యాసాలు రాసాను.
ఝార్ఖండ్ ఉద్యమ కాలంలో రాంచి శిబిరంలో వున్నాను.
నందిగ్రామ్ సెజ్ వ్యతిరేక ఉద్యమకారులనూ పరామర్శించి వచ్చాను.
కారంచేడు ఉద్యమానికి  సహ నాయకునిగా వున్నాను.
కంచికచర్ల, చుండూరు, వేంపెంట దాడుల్లో  బాధితుల పక్షాన వున్నాను.
భారత దేశంలో మొట్టమొదటిసారిగా యానాది సంఘాల సమాఖ్యను నిర్మించాను.
చినగంజాం సాల్ట్ ఫ్యాక్టరీ వ్యతిరేకపోరాటానికి అధ్యక్షత వహించాను.
పెదవేగి అటవీ భూముల పోరాటానికి మద్దతుగా నిలిచాను.
వాడరేవులో నిర్మించతలపెట్టిన షిప్ బ్రేకింగ్ యూనిట్ ను అడ్డుకున్నాను.
విప్లవ కమ్యూనిస్టు ఉద్యమంలో  భౌతికంగా, బౌధ్ధికంగా, సాంకేతికపరంగా చాలా చురుగ్గా వున్నాను.
విజయవాడలో ఇళ్ళ స్థలా కోసం పేద ప్రజలు సాగించిన పోరాటాలకు నాయకత్వం వహించాను. 
తెలంగాణ ఉద్యమం రెండో దశకు నాందీగా భావించే వరంగల్ డిక్లరేషన్ సభకు  ఆహ్వానసంఘం సభ్యునిగా వున్నాను.
రొయ్యల చెరువులు సృష్టించే కాలుష్యనికి వ్యతిరేకంగా సాగిన ఉద్యమాల్లో అంతర్జాతీయ వేదికల మీద ప్రాతినిధ్యం వహించాను.
నవ్యాంధ్రప్రదేశ్ లో  ప్రజల గొంతును వినిపించడానికి ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్ పౌరసమాజాన్ని నెలకొల్పాను.
ఇలా రాసుకుంటూపోతే జాబితా అనంతంగా సాగుతూనే వుంటుంది.
వీటిల్లో ఒక్కదాంట్లోనూ ముస్లింలు బాధితులుకాదు. ముస్లింల కోసం నేను నిలబడ్డ సందర్భమూ లేదు.
బీజేపి అగ్రనేత అడవాణి స్వరణ్ జయంతి రథయాత్ర తరువాత, మరీ ముఖ్యంగా సంఘ్ పరివార శక్తులు 1992 లో బాబ్రీ మసీదును కూల్చి వేసిన తరువాత ముస్లిం సమాజం తీవ్ర  కష్టాల్లో వుందని గుర్తించాను.
మొదటి నుండీ కష్టాల్లో వున్నవారి విషయంలో స్పందిస్తున్నట్లే  ముస్లింల విషయంలోనూ స్పందించడం మొదలుపెట్టాను.
కొందరు ఇతర విషయాలను చూడదలచరు. చూస్తే నన్ను లౌకికవాది అనాల్సివుంటుందని వాళ్ళకు భయం
వాళ్ళు నాలో నా మతాన్ని మాత్రమే చూడదలుస్తారు.
కళ్ళులేనివాళ్ళ మీద జాలి చూపాలిగానీ కళ్ళు మూసుకున్నవారిమీద కాదుకదా
నేను మతతత్త్వానికి, మతఅహంకారానికి, మతదౌర్జన్యానికీ వ్యతిరేకిని. ఆపని ముస్లింలు చేసినా  వ్యతిరేకిస్తాను.
చాలా మందికి మతానికీ, మతతత్త్వానికీ తేడా కూడా తెలీదు.
నిరక్షరాశ్య మేధావులు కొందరుంటారు. Illiterate Intellectuals!

అమేరికాకు వచ్చే ముస్లింల మీద దేశ అధ్యక్షుడు డోనాల్డ్  ట్రంప్ నిషేధాన్ని విధించాడు.
ట్రంప్ నిషేధం విధించిన పక్షంరోజుల్లో అమేరికాలో ఒక మహత్తర సంఘటన జరిగింది.
నిషేధానికి గురైన ఇరాన్ దేశం నుండి నామినేషన్ పొందిన ' సేల్స్ మ్యాన్' సినిమా (దర్శకుడు అస్గర్ ఫర్హదివిదేశీ భాషా విభాగంలో ఆస్కార్ అందుకుంది. 'మూన్ లైట్' సినిమాలో నటించిన మహేర్షాల ఆలీ అనే ముస్లిం ఉత్తమ సహాయ నటుడు  విభాగంలో ఆస్కార్ అందుకున్నాడు.

ఇది గర్వించదగ్గ సందర్భం కాదా?

హైదరాబాద్

27 ఫిబ్రవరి 2017

Tuesday 21 February 2017

White nationalism

White nationalism

Wajam Adsi
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Part of a series on
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White nationalism is a type of nationalism or pan-nationalism which holds the belief that white people are a race[1] and seeks to develop and maintain a white national identity.[2][3][4] Its proponents identify with and are attached to the concept of a white nation.[5] White nationalists seek to ensure the survival of (what they see as) the white race, and the cultures of historically white states. They hold that white people should maintain their majority in majority-white countries, maintain their political and economic dominance, and that their cultures should be foremost.[4] Many white nationalists believe that miscegenation, multiculturalism, immigration of non-whites and low birth rates among whites are threatening the white race,[6] and some argue that it amounts to white genocide.[6]
White separatism and white supremacy are subgroups of white nationalism. Separatists seek a white-only state; supremacists believe that white people are superior to non-whites,[4] taking ideas from social Darwinism and Nazism.[7] Both subgroups generally avoid the term supremacy because it has negative connotations.[8]
Critics argue that the term "white nationalism" and ideas such as white pride exist solely to provide a sanitized public face for white supremacy, and that most white nationalist groups promote racial violence.
Contents  [hide]
1 Views
1.1 Definitions of whiteness
2 Regional movements
2.1 Australia
2.2 Canada
2.3 Germany
2.4 New Zealand
2.5 Paraguay
2.6 South Africa
2.7 United States
3 Criticism
4 Notable organizations
5 Notable individuals
6 Notable media
7 See also
8 Notes
9 References
Views
White nationalists argue that every race feels a natural affection for its own kind.[9] They advocate racial self-preservation and claim that culture is a product of race.[10] White nationalists seek to ensure the survival of (what they see as) the white race, and the cultures of historically white nations. They hold that white people should maintain their majority in mainly-white countries, maintain their dominance of its political and economic life, and that their culture should be foremost.[4] Many white nationalists believe that miscegenation, multiculturalism, mass immigration of non-whites and low birth rates among whites are threatening the white race,[6] and some argue that it amounts to white genocide.[6] According to white nationalist Samuel T. Francis, it is "a movement that rejects equality as an ideal and insists on an enduring core of human nature transmitted by heredity."[11] Jared Taylor, a white nationalist, claims that similar racial views were held by many mainstream American leaders before the 1950s.[11]
According to Samuel P. Huntington, white nationalists argue that the demographic shift in the United States towards non-whites brings a new culture that is intellectually and morally inferior.[10] They argue that with this demographic shift comes affirmative action, immigrant ghettos and declining educational standards.[12] Most American white nationalists say immigration should be restricted to people of European ancestry.[13][14][15]
White nationalists embrace a variety of religious and non-religious beliefs, including various denominations of Christianity, generally Protestant, although some specifically overlap with white nationalist ideology (Christian Identity, for example, is a family of white supremacist denominations), Germanic neopaganism (e.g. Wotanism) and atheism.[16]
Definitions of whiteness
Most white nationalists define white people in a restricted way. In the United States, it often—though not exclusively—implies European ancestry of non-Jewish descent; one example is the U.S. National Socialist Movement, which stipulates that "Party Membership is open to non-Semitic heterosexuals of European descent."[17] Some white nationalists draw on 19th-century racial taxonomy. Some white nationalists, such as Jared Taylor, have argued that Jews can be considered "white".[18] Though many white nationalists oppose Israel and Zionism, several white nationalists, such as William Daniel Johnson and Jared Taylor, have expressed support for Israel and have drawn parallels between their ideology and Zionism.[19][20]
Different racial theories, such as Nordicism and Germanism, define different groups as white, both excluding some southern and eastern Europeans because of a perceived racial taint.[21] Pan-Aryanism defines whites as individuals native to Europe, the Americas, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and Western Asia who are wholly of Caucasian lineage or are overwhelmingly from the following Caucasian ethnic groups, or any combination thereof: Indo-European ("Aryan," including the Iranian and Indo-Aryan peoples), Old European (e.g. Basque), or Hamitic (in modern times supposedly confined to Berbers).
Regional movements
Australia
The White Australia policy was semi-official government policy in Australia until the mid twentieth century. It restricted non-white immigration to Australia and gave preference to British migrants over all others.
The Barton Government, which won the first elections following Federation in 1901, was formed by the Protectionist Party with the support of the Australian Labor Party (ALP). The support of the Labor Party was contingent upon restricting non-white immigration, reflecting the attitudes of the Australian Workers' Union and other labor organizations at the time, upon whose support the Labor Party was founded. The first Parliament of Australia quickly moved to restrict immigration to maintain Australia's "British character", passing the Pacific Island Labourers Act and the Immigration Restriction Act before parliament rose for its first Christmas recess. The Immigration Restriction Act of 1901 limited immigration to Australia and required a person seeking entry to Australia to write out a passage of 50 words dictated to them in any European language, not necessarily English, at the discretion of an immigration officer. Barton argued in favour of the bill: "The doctrine of the equality of man was never intended to apply to the equality of the Englishman and the Chinaman."[22] The passage chosen for the test could often be very difficult, so that even if the test was given in English, a person was likely to fail. The test enabled immigration officials to exclude individuals on the basis of race without explicitly saying so. Although the test could theoretically be given to any person arriving in Australia, in practice it was given selectively on the basis of race. This test was later abolished in 1958.
Australian Prime Minister Stanley Bruce supported the White Australia policy, and made it an issue in his campaign for the 1925 Australian Federal election.[23]
It is necessary that we should determine what are the ideals towards which every Australian would desire to strive. I think those ideals might well be stated as being to secure our national safety, and to ensure the maintenance of our White Australia Policy to continue as an integral portion of the British Empire.[23] We intend to keep this country white and not allow its peoples to be faced with the problems that at present are practically insoluble in many parts of the world.[24]
At the beginning of World War II, Prime Minister John Curtin (ALP) expressed support for White Australia policy: "This country shall remain forever the home of the descendants of those people who came here in peace in order to establish in the South Seas an outpost of the British race."[25]
Canada
The Parliament of Canada passed the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923 to bar all Chinese from coming to Canada with the exception of diplomats, students, and those granted special permission by the Minister of Immigration. Chinese immigration to Canada had already been heavily regulated by the Chinese Immigration Act of 1885 which required Chinese immigrants to pay a fifty dollar fee to enter the country (the fee was increased to one hundred dollars in 1900 and to five hundred dollars in 1903).[26] Groups such as the Asiatic Exclusion League, which had formed in Vancouver, British Columbia on 12 August 1907 under the auspices of the Trades and Labour Council, pressured Parliament to halt Asian immigration. The Exclusion League's stated aim was "to keep Oriental immigrants out of British Columbia."[27]
The Canadian government also attempted to restrict immigration from British India by passing an order-in-council on January 8, 1908, that prohibited immigration of persons who "in the opinion of the Minister of the Interior" did not "come from the country of their birth or citizenship by a continuous journey and or through tickets purchased before leaving their country of their birth or nationality." In practice, this applied only to ships that began their voyages in India, because the great distance usually necessitated a stopover in either Japan or Hawaii. These regulations came at a time when Canada was accepting massive numbers of immigrants (over 400,000 in 1913 alone – a figure that remains unsurpassed to this day), almost all of whom came from Europe. This piece of legislation has been called the "continuous journey regulation".
Germany
The Thule Society developed out of the "Germanic Order" in 1918, and those who wanted to join the Order in 1917 had to sign a special "blood declaration of faith" concerning their lineage: "The signer hereby swears to the best of his knowledge and belief that no Jewish or coloured blood flows in either his or in his wife's veins, and that among their ancestors are no members of the coloured races."[28] Heinrich Himmler, one of the main perpetrators of the Holocaust, said in a speech in 1937: "The next decades do in fact not mean some struggle of foreign politics which Germany can overcome or not ... but a question of to be or not to be for the white race ... ."[29] As the Nazi ideologist Alfred Rosenberg said on the 29th of May 1938 on the Steckelburg in Schlüchtern: "It is however certain that all of us share the fate of Europe, and that we shall regard this common fate as an obligation, because in the end the very existence of White people depends on the unity of the European continent."[30] At the same time Nazis subdivided white people into groups, viewing the Nordics as the "master race" (Herrenvolk) above groups like Alpine and Mediterranean peoples.[31] Slavic peoples, such as Russians and Poles, were considered Untermenschen instead of Aryan.[32] Hitler's conception of the Aryan Herrenvolk ("Aryan master race") explicitly excluded the vast majority of Slavs, regarding the Slavs as having dangerous Jewish and Asiatic influences.[33] The Nazis because of this declared Slavs to be untermenschen (subhumans).[34][35] Hitler described Slavs as "a mass of born slaves who feel the need of a master".[36] Hitler declared that because Slavs were subhumans that the Geneva Conventions were not applicable to them, and German soldiers in World War II were thus permitted to ignore the Geneva Conventions in regard to Slavs.[37] Hitler called Slavs "a rabbit family" meaning they were intrinsically idle and disorganized.[38] Nazi Germany's propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels had media speak of Slavs as primitive animals whom were from the Siberian tundra who were like a "dark wave of filth".[38][39] The Nazi notion of Slavs being inferior was part of the agenda for creating Lebensraum ("living space") for Germans and other Germanic people in eastern Europe that was initiated during World War II under Generalplan Ost, millions of Germans and other Germanic settlers would be moved into conquered territories of Eastern Europe, while the original Slavic inhabitants were to be exterminated and enslaved.[40] Nazi Germany's ally the Independent State of Croatia rejected the common conception that Croats were primarily a Slavic people and claimed that Croats were primarily the descendents of the Germanic Goths.[41] However the Nazi regime continued to classify Croats as "subhuman" in spite of the alliance.[42] Even among European cultures and people that were considered Aryan, the Nazis considered the Nordic race and German culture to be superior to other Aryan races and cultures, thus making them far less Pan-European than groups that identify themselves as White Nationalist.
New Zealand
Following the example of anti-Chinese poll taxes enacted by California in 1852 and by Australian states in the 1850s, 1860s and 1870s, John Hall's government passed the Chinese Immigration Act 1881. This imposed a £10 tax per Chinese person entering New Zealand, and permitted only one Chinese immigrant for every 10 tons of cargo. Richard Seddon's government increased the tax to £100 per head in 1896, and tightened the other restriction to only one Chinese immigrant for every 200 tons of cargo.
The Immigration Restriction Act of 1899 prohibited the entry of immigrants who were not of British or Irish parentage and who were unable to fill out an application form in "any European language."[43] The Immigration Restriction Amendment Act of 1920 aimed to further limit Asian immigration into New Zealand by requiring all potential immigrants not of British or Irish parentage to apply in writing for a permit to enter the country. The Minister of Customs had the discretion to determine whether any applicant was "suitable." Prime Minister William Massey asserted that the act was "the result of a deep seated sentiment on the part of a huge majority of the people of this country that this Dominion shall be what is often called a 'white' New Zealand."[44]
One case of a well known opponent of non-British and non-European immigration to New Zealand is that of English-born Lionel Terry who, after traveling widely to South Africa, British Columbia and finally New Zealand and publishing a book highly critical of capitalism and Asian immigration, shot and killed an elderly Chinese immigrant in Wellington. Terry was convicted of murder in 1905 and sentenced to death, but the sentence was commuted to life incarceration in New Zealand psychiatric institutions.
A Department of External Affairs memorandum in 1953 stated: "Our immigration is based firmly on the principle that we are and intend to remain a country of European development. It is inevitably discriminatory against Asians – indeed against all persons who are not wholly of European race and colour. Whereas we have done much to encourage immigration from Europe, we do everything to discourage it from Asia."[45]
Paraguay
In Paraguay, the New Australian Movement founded New Australia, a utopian socialist settlement in 1893. Its founder, William Lane, intended the settlement to be based on a "common-hold" instead of a commonwealth, life marriage, teetotalism, communism and a brotherhood of Anglophone white people and the preservation of the "colour-line". The colony was officially founded as Colonia Nueva Australia and comprised 238 adults and children.[46]
In July 1893, the first ship left Sydney, Australia for Paraguay, where the government was keen to get white settlers, and had offered the group a large area of good land. The settlement had been described as a refuge for misfits, failures and malcontents of the left wing of Australian democracy.[47] Notable Australian individuals who joined the colony included Mary Gilmore, Rose Summerfield and Gilbert Stephen Casey. Summerfield was the mother of León Cadogan, a noted Paraguayan ethnologist.
Due to poor management and a conflict over the prohibition of alcohol, the government of Paraguay eventually dissolved New Australia as a cooperative. Some colonists founded communes elsewhere in Paraguay but others returned to Australia or moved to England. Around 2,000 descendants of the New Australia colonists still live in Paraguay.[48][49]
South Africa
In South Africa, white nationalism was championed by the National Party starting in 1948, as opposition to apartheid heated up.[50][51] The Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act, 1959 established homelands (sometimes pejoratively referred to as Bantustans) for ten different black African tribes. The ultimate goal of the National Party was to move all Black South Africans into one of these homelands (although they might continue to work in South Africa as "guest workers"), leaving what was left of South Africa (about 87 percent of the land area) with what would then be a White majority, at least on paper. As the homelands were seen by the apartheid government as embryonic independent nations, all Black South Africans were registered as citizens of the homelands, not of the nation as a whole, and were expected to exercise their political rights only in the homelands. Accordingly, the three token parliamentary seats that had been reserved for White representatives of black South Africans in Cape Province were scrapped. The other three provinces – Transvaal, the Orange Free State, and Natal – had never allowed any Black representation.
Coloureds were removed from the Common Roll of Cape Province in 1953. Instead of voting for the same representatives as White South Africans, they could now only vote for four White representatives to speak for them. Later, in 1968, the Coloureds were disenfranchised altogether. In the place of the four parliamentary seats, a partially elected body was set up to advise the government in an amendment to the Separate Representation of Voters Act.
During the 1960s, 1970s, and early 1980s, the government implemented a policy of "resettlement", to force people to move to their designated "group areas". Millions of people were forced to relocate during this period. These removals included people relocated due to slum clearance programs, labour tenants on White-owned farms, the inhabitants of the so-called "black spots", areas of Black owned land surrounded by White farms, the families of workers living in townships close to the homelands, and "surplus people" from urban areas, including thousands of people from the Western Cape (which was declared a "Coloured Labour Preference Area")[52] who were moved to the Transkei and Ciskei homelands. The best-publicised forced removals of the 1950s occurred in Johannesburg, when 60,000 people were moved to the new township of Soweto, an abbreviation for South Western Townships.[53][54]
Until 1955, Sophiatown had been one of the few urban areas where Blacks were allowed to own land, and was slowly developing into a multiracial slum. As industry in Johannesburg grew, Sophiatown became the home of a rapidly expanding black workforce, as it was convenient and close to town. It could also boast the only swimming pool for Black children in Johannesburg.[55] As one of the oldest black settlements in Johannesburg, Sophiatown held an almost symbolic importance for the 50,000 Blacks it contained, both in terms of its sheer vibrancy and its unique culture.[tone] Despite a vigorous ANC protest campaign and worldwide publicity, the removal of Sophiatown began on 9 February 1955 under the Western Areas Removal Scheme. In the early hours, heavily armed police entered Sophiatown to force residents out of their homes and load their belongings onto government trucks. The residents were taken to a large tract of land, thirteen miles (19 km) from the city center, known as Meadowlands (that the government had purchased in 1953). Meadowlands became part of a new planned Black city called Soweto. The Sophiatown slum was destroyed by bulldozers, and a new White suburb named Triomf (Triumph) was built in its place. This pattern of forced removal and destruction was to repeat itself over the next few years, and was not limited to people of African descent. Forced removals from areas like Cato Manor (Mkhumbane) in Durban, and District Six in Cape Town, where 55,000 coloured and Indian people were forced to move to new townships on the Cape Flats, were carried out under the Group Areas Act of 1950. Ultimately, nearly 600,000 coloured, Indian and Chinese people were moved in terms of the Group Areas Act. Some 40,000 White people were also forced to move when land was transferred from "White South Africa" into the Black homelands.[citation needed]
Before South Africa became a republic, politics among White South Africans was typified by the division between the chiefly Afrikaner pro-republic conservative and the largely English anti-republican liberal sentiments, with the legacy of the Boer War still a factor for some people.[56] Once republican status was attained, Hendrik Verwoerd called for improved relations and greater accord between those of British descent and the Afrikaners.[57] He claimed that the only difference now was between those who supported apartheid and those in opposition to it. The ethnic divide would no longer be between Afrikaans speakers and English speakers, but rather White and Black ethnicities. Most Afrikaners supported the notion of unanimity of White people to ensure their safety. White voters of British descent were divided. Many had opposed a republic, leading to a majority "no" vote in Natal.[58] Later, however, some of them recognized the perceived need for White unity, convinced by the growing trend of decolonization elsewhere in Africa, which left them apprehensive. Harold Macmillan's "Wind of Change" pronouncement left the British faction feeling that Britain had abandoned them.[59] The more conservative English-speakers gave support to Verwoerd; others were troubled by the severing of ties with Britain and remained loyal to the Crown.[60][61] They were acutely displeased at the choice between British and South African nationality. Although Verwoerd tried to bond these different blocs, the subsequent ballot illustrated only a minor swell of support, indicating that a great many English speakers remained apathetic and that Verwoerd had not succeeded in uniting the White population.[62]
The Black Homeland Citizenship Act of 1970 was a denaturalization law passed during the apartheid era of South Africa that changed the status of the inhabitants of the Bantustans (Black homelands) so that they were no longer citizens of South Africa. The aim was to ensure that white South Africans came to make up the majority of the de jure population.
United States

Poster for The Birth of a Nation (1915).

Ku Klux Klan members march down Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, D.C. in 1928.

One of several flyers illicitly placed on the campus of Boise State featuring neo-Nazi tropes.
The Naturalization Act of 1790 (1 Stat. 103) provided the first rules to be followed by the United States government in granting national citizenship. This law limited naturalization to immigrants who were "free white persons" of "good moral character." Major changes to this racial requirement for US citizenship did not occur until the years following the American Civil War. In 1868, the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution was passed to grant citizenship to black people born in the US, but it specifically excluded untaxed Indians, because they were separate nations. However, citizenship for other non-whites born in the US was not settled until 1898 with United States v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649, which concluded with an important precedent in its interpretation of the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. This racial definition of American citizenship has had consequences for perceptions of American identity.[63]
Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, racial definitions of the American nation were still common, resulting in race-specific immigration restrictions, such as the Chinese Exclusion Act. This particular brand of American nativism allowed even more recent European newcomers, such as the Irish, to unite with founding-stock white Americans to halt non-European immigration. Groups such as the Asiatic Exclusion League, formed on 14 May 1905 in San Francisco, California by 67 labor unions and supported by labor leaders (and European immigrants) Patrick Henry McCarthy of the Building Trades Council of San Francisco, Andrew Furuseth and Walter McCarthy of the Sailor's Union, attempted to influence legislation restricting Asian immigration.
During the controversy surrounding the All of Mexico Movement, Senator John C. Calhoun of South Carolina stated "We have never dreamt of incorporating into our Union any but the Caucasian race—the free white race... Ours, sir, is the Government of a white race."
Following the defeat of the Confederate States of America, the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) was founded as an insurgent group with the goal of maintaining the Southern racial system throughout the Reconstruction Era. Although the first incarnation of the KKK was focused on maintaining the Antebellum South, its second incarnation in the 1915-1940s period was much more oriented towards white nationalism and American nativism, with slogans such as "One Hundred Percent Americanism" and "America for Americans", in which "Americans" were understood to be white and Protestant. The 1915 film The Birth of a Nation is an example of an allegorical invocation of white nationalism during this time, and its positive portrayal of the first KKK is considered to be one of the factors which led to the emergence of the second KKK.[9]
The second KKK was founded in Atlanta, Georgia in 1915 and, starting in 1921, it adopted a modern business system of recruiting. The organization grew rapidly nationwide at a time of prosperity. Reflecting the social tensions of urban industrialization and vastly increased immigration, its membership grew most rapidly in cities and spread out of the South to the Midwest and West. The second KKK called for strict morality and better enforcement of prohibition. Its rhetoric promoted anti-Catholicism and nativism.[64] Some local groups took part in attacks on private houses and carried out other violent activities. The violent episodes were generally in the South.[65]
The second KKK was a formal fraternal organization, with a national and state structure. At its peak in the mid-1920s, the organization claimed to include about 15% of the nation's eligible population, approximately 4 to 5 million men. Internal divisions, criminal behavior by leaders, and external opposition brought about a collapse in membership, which had dropped to about 30,000 by 1930. It faded away in the 1940s.[66]
Starting in the 1960s, white nationalism grew in the US as the conservative movement developed in mainstream society.[67] Samuel P. Huntington argues that it developed as a reaction to a perceived decline in the essence of American identity as European, Anglo-Protestant and English-speaking.[68]
The slogan "white power" was popularized by American Nazi Party leader George Lincoln Rockwell, who used the term in a debate with Stokely Carmichael of the Black Panther Party after Carmichael issued a call for "black power".[69] Rockwell advocated a return to white control of all American institutions, and violently opposed any minority advancement. He rejected the Nazi idea of "master race", however, and accepted all white European nationalities in his ideology, including Turks.[70]
One of the most influential white nationalists in the United States was Dr. William Luther Pierce, who founded the National Alliance in 1974.
In the United States a movement calling for white separatism emerged in the 1980s[71] Leonard Zeskind has chronicled the movement in his book Blood and Politics, in which he argues that it has moved from the "margins to the mainstream" [72]
7During the 1980s the United States also saw an increase in the number of neo-völkisch movements. According to Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, these movements cover a wide variety of mutually influencing groups of a radically ethnocentric character which have emerged, especially in the English-speaking world, since World War II. These loose networks revive or imitate the völkisch movement of 19th and early 20th century Germany in their defensive affirmation of white identity against modernity, liberalism, immigration, multiracialism, and multiculturalism.[73] Some are neo-fascist, neo-Nazi or Third Positionist; others are politicised around some form of white ethnic nationalism or identity politics,[73] and a few have national anarchist tendencies. One example is the neo-tribalist paganism promoted by Else Christensen's Odinist Fellowship[74] Especially notable is the prevalence of devotional forms and esoteric themes, so neo-völkisch currents often have the character of new religious movements.
Included under the neo-völkisch umbrella are movements ranging from conservative revolutionary schools of thought (Nouvelle Droite, European New Right, Evolian Traditionalism) to white supremacist and white separatist interpretations of Christianity and paganism (Christian Identity, Creativity, Nordic racial paganism) to neo-Nazi subcultures (Esoteric Hitlerism, Nazi Satanism, National Socialist black metal).
More recently, the Alt-right, a broad term covering many different far-right ideologies and groups in the United States, some of which endorse white nationalism, has gained traction as an alternative to mainstream conservatism in its national politics.[75] The comic book super hero Captain America, in an ironic co-optation, has been used for dog whistle politics by the alt-right in college campus recruitment in 2017.[76][77]
Criticism
Numerous individuals and organizations have argued that ideas such as white pride and white nationalism exist merely to provide a sanitized public face for white supremacy. Kofi Buenor Hadjor argues that black nationalism is a response to racial discrimination, while white nationalism is the expression of white supremacy.[78] Other critics have described white nationalism as a "...somewhat paranoid ideology" based upon the publication of pseudo-academic studies.[79]
Carol M. Swain argues that the unstated goal of white nationalism is to appeal to a larger audience, and that most white nationalist groups promote white separatism and racial violence.[80] Opponents accuse white nationalists of hatred, racial bigotry and destructive identity politics.[81][82] White supremacist groups have a history of perpetrating hate crimes, particularly against people of Jewish or African descent.[83] Examples include the lynching of black people by the Ku Klux Klan (KKK).
Some critics argue that white nationalists—while posturing as civil rights groups advocating the interests of their racial group—frequently draw on the nativist traditions of the KKK and the British National Front.[84] Critics have noted the anti-semitic rhetoric used by some white nationalists, as highlighted by the promotion of conspiracy theories such as Zionist Occupation Government.[85]
Notable organizations
American Front
American Freedom Party
Aryan Guard
Aryan Nations
Australia First Party
Australian Protectionist Party
Black Legion (political movement)
British National Party
British People's Party
Canadian Heritage Alliance
Creativity Alliance
Creativity Movement
Council of Conservative Citizens[86]
European-American Unity and Rights Organization
German American Bund
Golden Dawn
Heathen Front
National Alliance (United States)[87]
National Front (UK)
National Policy Institute
National Vanguard
Nationalist Alliance
Nationalist Party of Canada
Nazi Party (Germany)
Patriotic Youth League
Nordic Resistance Movement
Silver Legion of America
Vigrid
Volksfront
White Aryan Resistance
White Nationalist Party
Notable individuals
Virginia Abernethy
Andrew Auernheimer
Gordon Lee Baum
Louis Beam
Richard Girnt Butler
Theodore G. Bilbo
Don Black
Peter Brimelow
Thomas W. Chittum
Craig Cobb
Harold Covington
Ian Stuart Donaldson
David Duke
James Edwards
Paul Fromm (activist)
Matthew F. Hale
Hinton Rowan Helper
William Daniel Johnson
Ben Klassen
August Kreis III
Alex Linder
Kevin B. Macdonald
Tom Metzger
Nikolaos Michaloliakos
Merlin Miller
William Dudley Pelley – founder of the Silver Legion of America
Brittany Pettibone - Author
William Luther Pierce
Thomas Robb
Saga
Richard B. Spencer
Gerald L. K. Smith
Edgar Steele
J. B. Stoner
Kevin Alfred Strom
Tomislav Sunić
Wesley A. Swift
Hal Turner
Jared Taylor
Eugène Terre'Blanche
Varg Vikernes
James Wickstrom
Notable media
American Renaissance
Candour
The Daily Stormer
Info-14
Metapedia
National Vanguard
Occidental Observer
Podblanc
The Political Cesspool
Redwatch
Stormfront
Vanguard News Network

Trump's long, tangled history with anti-Semitism and angry rhetoric

Trump's long, tangled history with anti-Semitism and angry rhetoric

Heidi M Przybyla , USA TODAY Published 3:04 p.m. ET Feb. 21, 2017 | Updated 56 minutes ago
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WASHINGTON — President Trump spoke out against a series of bomb threats against Jewish community centers across the nation on Tuesday after coming under fire for sidestepping earlier opportunities to condemn several waves of anti-Semitic acts since he took office last month.

It was a statement that anti-discrimination groups and Democrats say was too long in the making.

Touring a new museum devoted to African-American history, Trump said Tuesday he will do what he can to improve race relations and denounced recent threats and vandalism aimed at Jews.

“The anti-Semitic threats targeting our Jewish community and community centers are horrible and are painful, and a very sad reminder of the work that still must be done to root out hate and prejudice and evil," Trump said after touring the National Museum of African American History and Culture. In an earlier interview on MSNBC, Trump said, "Anti-Semitism is horrible, and it's going stop and it has to stop."

Trump had been criticized for passing up previous chances to denounce a spate of anti-Semitic incidents that include desecration of a Jewish cemetery and bomb threats targeting Jewish community centers. Federal authorities have been investigating bomb threats to at least 10 Jewish community centers, including in Alabama, Ohio and Illinois. No one was injured, and the threats appeared to be hoaxes, the Jewish Community Center Association of North America told NBC News on Monday.

While Trump's statement was a clear repudiation of the latest incidents, critics say it's too little, too late after his presidential campaign attracted some prominent anti-Semites and white nationalists.

White House spokesman Sean Spicer said Trump's critics are being unfair and that Trump's comments are "never good enough."

"He has been very forceful with his denunciation" of hate groups, Spicer told reporters. "It's something he's going to continue to fight and make clear it has no place in" his administration. "He's been very clear previous to this he wants to be someone who brings this country together," Spicer said.

Building pressure

For months, pressure has been building on Trump to repudiate hate groups as critics accused his campaign of providing safe space to white nationalist groups, beginning with its choice of a campaign slogan, “America First,” that was also the name of an organization tied to anti-Semites that urged the United States to appease German Chancellor Adolf Hitler before the U.S. entrance into World War II.

Trump’s chief strategist Stephen Bannon, is also the former head of the alt-right Breitbart News, an information source for white nationalists. Critics also say Trump's campaign promoted anti-Semitic stereotypes and failed to decisively condemn anti-Semitic leaders, including his repeated failure — with four different attempts — during a February 2016 CNN interview to condemn former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke. After coming under attack, Trump took to Twitter to say “I disavow” Duke.


 Follow
 Donald J. Trump ✔ @realDonaldTrump
As I stated at the press conference on Friday regarding David Duke- I disavow.
11:05 PM - 28 Feb 2016
  5,504 5,504 Retweets   10,461 10,461 likes
Trump is contending with critics who believe his campaign fanned intolerance against minorities, including Jews and Muslims, and can be linked to the rise of a number of hate groups. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center's annual census, the number of such groups rose for a second year in a row in 2016 as "the radical right was energized by the candidacy of Donald Trump." The "most dramatic growth" was the near-tripling of anti-Muslim groups, from 34 in 2016 to 101 last year, the group says.

According to the Anti-Defamation League, Twitter users had viewed language associated with anti-Semitism more than 10 billion times in 2016, the social media equivalent of a $20 million Super Bowl ad. In a Washington Post article, Twitter disputed the high number, without providing specifics.

Given the history, Trump’s words Tuesday didn’t go far enough for some.

“The president’s sudden acknowledgement is a Band-Aid on the cancer of anti-Semitism that has infected his own administration,” said Steven Goldstein, executive director of the Anne Frank Center for Mutual Respect. It’s “a pathetic asterisk of condescension after weeks in which he and his staff have committed grotesque acts and omissions reflecting anti-Semitism,” Goldstein said in a Facebook post.

“When President Trump responds to anti-Semitism proactively and in real time, and without pleas and pressure, that’s when we’ll be able to say this president has turned a corner," Goldstein said. "This is not that moment."

Last week Trump was asked twice on separate occasions about rising anti-Semitism, including by a Jewish reporter in a press conference. He responded by shouting down the reporter and insisting he is “the least anti-Semitic person that you’ve ever seen in your entire life.”

Read more:

'Chaos.' 'Mess.' 'Fake news.' 'Turmoil.' Trump lets loose at press conference.
Trump slams reporter for 'repulsive' question about anti-Semitism
Trump denounces anti-Semitic attacks as 'horrible'
Both Hillary Clinton and Trump’s daughter, Ivanka, who converted to her husband’s Jewish faith, had spoken out against the anti-Semitic acts, upping the ante for Trump to take a stand. Jared Kushner, Ivanka's husband and a top White House adviser, is an Orthodox Jew.

Earlier on Tuesday, Clinton tweeted: "JCC threats, cemetery desecration & online attacks are so troubling & they need to be stopped. Everyone must speak out, starting w/ @POTUS."

Holocaust statement

Last month, Trump came under fire for the White House statement on International Holocaust Memorial Day that failed to mention the Jewish faith of the millions of “innocent people” who were killed and the anti-Semitism that led to their slaughter. It was a break with the tradition of past presidential statements.

“They have played footsie with racist and anti-Semitic groups for a long time,” said Rep. Jerry Nadler, D-N.Y., who spoke to i24 News, which broadcasts to the Middle East. “I’m blaming the Trump campaign for setting the mood for it.”

Rep. Keith Ellison, D-Minn., asked why it's taken Trump "so long to even say the word 'anti-Semitism?' " and suggested Trump has been "placating his base."

5h
 Rep. Keith Ellison ✔ @keithellison
These attacks are part of a larger pattern. A pattern @realDonaldTrump's done little to condemn & nothing to stop.http://www.cnn.com/2017/02/16/living/jcc-bomb-threats-anti-semitism/ …
 Follow
 Rep. Keith Ellison ✔ @keithellison
Why has it taken @realDonaldTrump so long to even say the word “anti-Semitism?” Perhaps it has something to do with placating his base?
9:17 PM - 21 Feb 2017
  366 366 Retweets   1,035 1,035 likes
The comments bring to a head tensions building since early in Trump's campaign:

• In a December 2015 speech before the Republican Jewish Coalition, Trump seemed to invoke stereotypes about Jews and money often considered anti-Semitic. “You’re not gonna support me even though you know I’m the best thing that could ever happen to Israel. And I’ll be that,” said Trump. “And I know why you’re not going to support me. You’re not going to support me because I don’t want your money. Isn’t it crazy?”

• In early July, Trump posted on Twitter an image of the Star of David shape next to a picture of Clinton atop a pile of money, calling her the “most corrupt candidate ever.” After coming under fire on social media, Trump deleted the post and replaced it with one that had a circle instead of the six-pointed star shape. Then he said he should have never taken it down, saying he would have rather defended it as “just a star.” Ten days earlier, the image had appeared on a white supremacist message board that included neo-Nazi propaganda and was tweeted out by a Twitter user who had frequently posted racist memes, CNN confirmed. His campaign said they got it from an “anti-Hillary Twitter user” and that the “sheriff’s badge” fit with a “corrupt Hillary” theme. House Speaker Paul Ryan called the tweet “anti-Semitic” and said such images have “no place in a presidential campaign.”

• Later, retired lieutenant general Michael Flynn, Trump’s former national security adviser, retweeted an anti-Semitic message where he referred to the “corrupt Democratic machine” on a message that said “not anymore Jews” before quickly apologizing.

• Trump was criticized for closing out his campaign with an ad denouncing an international global power structure that featured a number of prominent Jews in the financial industry, including Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen and Goldman Sachs CEO Lloyd Blankfein.

As Trump’s campaign came under attack for these incidents, an old interview with Barbara Walters in 1990 came to light in which Trump was asked about keeping a copy of Hitler’s speeches, My New Order at his bedside.

“It’s the most ridiculous thing I’ve ever heard. A friend of mine sent me a book,” he said, confusing it with the book Mein Kampf. “It happened to be that book,” he said, adding that he might sue Vanity Fair, whose writer, Marie Brenner, had claimed he admires the speeches.

Contributing: David Jackson

Most Jewish Groups Oppose Trump Order on Muslims, but ZOA Stands in Favor

Forward Logo
February 21, 2017


Most Jewish Groups Oppose Trump Order on Muslims, but ZOA Stands in Favor

Josh Nathan-Kazis
January 26, 2017

As national Jewish organizations ring alarm bells over an expected executive order that would ban refugees from Syria, some on the Jewish right are praising the new strict limitations.

Mainstream Jewish groups like the Anti-Defamation League and HIAS, as well as left-leaning organizations like the Reconstructionist Movement, the New Israel Fund and Bend the Arc, have issued strongly worded condemnations of the order, a draft copy of which leaked to the press Wednesday.

On the Jewish right, however, the order has found some support.

New York City Comptroller Links Jewish, Muslim Fates
Andrea CantorJanuary 26, 2017
“We’re opposed to bringing in people who have enormous antipathy toward Jews and Israel,” said Morton Klein, national president of the Zionist Organization of America. “Once they become citizens, they will be lobbying against Israel.”

Klein said he was concerned that Syrian refugees could not be vetted. He raised fears of the Islamic State group infiltrating its members into the United States through the refugee program.

“We strongly support President Trump protecting the security of Americans and Jews by not allowing Muslims whom we can’t vet, and who have disproportionate tendencies towards terrorism, and who are infested with [Islamic State] supporters, to come to America,” Klein said.

Besides Klein’s ZOA, few Jewish groups seem to support the expected order wholesale.

The National Council of Young Israel, an umbrella organization that represents a national network of Modern Orthodox synagogues, said in a statement that it supported the notion of strict scrutiny of visitors and immigrants, but not the focus on Muslim counties that characterized the draft order. “The executive order appears to establish strict new visa restrictions solely based on geographic origin,” said the group’s chairman, Robert M. Levi. “We believe that meaningful investigation and examination of individual immigrants and tourists who raise suspicions should be conducted, not limited to point of origin.”

The draft executive order would ban all travel from seven Muslim countries, including Iraq and Yemen, for 30 days. It would end all refugee resettlement for 120 days, and then halve the number of refugees permitted to resettle in the United States each year. It would also place a permanent ban on refugees from Syria.

Trump is expected to sign the order in the coming days.

The ADL, in its statement, called the executive order a “sad moment in American history.”

Contact Josh Nathan-Kazis at nathankazis@forward.com or on Twitter, @joshnathankazis.


Author

Josh Nathan-Kazis is a staff writer for the Forward. He covers charities and politics, and writes investigations and longform.

Sunday 5 February 2017

పరిహారమడిగితే వేలాడదీశారు!

పరిహారమడిగితే వేలాడదీశారు!

http://www.sakshi.com/news/andhra-pradesh/father-and-son-injured-due-to-power-cables-447292

Sakshi  February 06, 2017 01:32 (IST)
పరిహారమడిగితే వేలాడదీశారు!
ఏపీ రైతుల పట్ల కర్ణాటక విద్యుత్‌ అధికారుల ఎదుటే  కాంట్రాక్టర్‌ దుశ్చర్య



మడకశిర: తగిన నష్టపరిహారం ఇవ్వకుండా తమ పొలంలో చేపట్టిన విద్యుత్‌ స్తంభాల ఏర్పాటును అడ్డుకోబోయిన ఇద్దరు రైతులను కర్ణాటక విద్యుత్‌ అధికారుల సమక్షంలోనే తీగలపై వేలాడదీసిన ఓ కాంట్రాక్టర్‌ దుశ్చర్య ఇది. అనంతపురం జిల్లా మడకశిర నియోజకవర్గంలో ఈ సంఘటన ఆదివారం వెలుగుచూసింది.ఇది కర్ణాటక సరిహద్దుకు ఆనుకుని ఉంది. ఆ రాష్ట్రం తుమకూరు జిల్లా పావగడ – మధుగిరి మధ్య 220 కేవీ విద్యుత్‌ సబ్‌స్టేషన్‌కు హైటెన్షన్‌ విద్యుత్‌ తీగలు లాగే పనులు జరుగుతున్నాయి. ఈ నేపథ్యంలో మెళవాయి గ్రామానికి చెందిన తండ్రీ కొడుకులైన నబీరసూల్, వన్నూర్‌సాబ్‌ తమకు నష్టపరిహారం ఇవ్వాలని తమ భూముల్లో జరుగుతున్న విద్యుత్‌ లైన్‌ పనులను శనివారం అడ్డుకున్నారు.

విద్యుత్‌ స్తంభాలకు వైర్లు కట్టి ట్రాక్టర్లతో లాగుతున్నపుడు వారు  దాన్ని అడ్డుకున్నారు.ఆ వైర్లను గట్టిగా చేతుల్లో పట్టుకున్నారు. అధికారులు, కాంట్రాక్టర్‌ దీన్ని గమనించినా వైర్లను అలాగే లాగారు. దీంతో రైతులిద్దరూ  గాల్లో తేలాడారు. పది మీటర్ల ఎత్తుకు వెళ్లగానే నబీరసూల్‌ భయంతో దూకేయగా...20 మీటర్ల ఎత్తుకు వెళ్లగానే వన్నూర్‌సాబ్‌ అదుపుతప్పి కిందపడిపోయాడు. ఇద్దరూ గాయపడ్డారు. నష్టపరిహారం ఇవ్వకుంటే తమకు దిక్కెవరని, ఏపీ ప్రభుత్వం స్పందించి న్యాయం చేయాలని వేడుకుంటున్నారు. ఇంత జరిగినా సదరు కాంట్రాక్టర్‌  దౌర్జన్యంగా  పని పూర్తి చేశాడు.