Thursday, 28 June 2018

టోపీ వద్దన్న యోగి

టోపీ వద్దన్న యోగి


సంత్‌ కబీర్‌నగర్: ఉత్తరప్రదేశ్‌ ముఖ్యమంత్రి యోగి ఆదిత్యనాథ్‌ సంత్‌ కబీర్‌ దాస్‌ సమాధి వద్ద ప్రవర్తించిన తీరు వివాదాస్పదంగా మారింది. ఈరోజు సంత్‌ కబీర్‌ దాస్‌ 500వ వర్థంతిని పురస్కరించుకుని అక్కడ ఏర్పాట్లను పర్యవేక్షించేందుకు బుధవారం యోగి అక్కడికి వెళ్లారు. కబీర్‌దాస్‌ సమాధికి యోగి నివాళులర్పించేందుకు వెళ్లగా మసీదు వ్యవహారాలు చూసుకునే ఖాదిమ్‌ హుస్సేన్‌ ఆదిత్యనాథ్‌కు టోపీ పెట్టబోయారు. అయితే యోగి మర్యాదపూర్వకంగా టోపీని తిరస్కరించారు. ఖాదిమ్‌ టోపీ పెట్టబోతుండగా పెట్టనివ్వకుండా చేతులతో పట్టుకుని ఆపారు. తర్వాత ఖాదిమ్‌ కోరిక మేరకు టోపీని చేతులతో పట్టుకుని ఆయన‌ పక్కన నిల్చుని ఫొటోలు దిగారు.

సమాధిని సందర్శించుకున్నప్పుడు సంప్రదాయం ప్రకారం ముఖ్యమంత్రి యోగి ఆదిత్యనాథ్‌కు టోపీ ఇవ్వబోయాను. కానీ ఆయన చాలా మర్యాదపూర్వకంగా తిరస్కరించారు, వద్దని నవ్వుతూ చెప్పారు అని ఖాదిమ్‌ తెలిపారు. అయితే ఆయన దాన్ని పట్టుకోవడానికి అంగీకరించారని వెల్లడించారు. యోగి చర్యపై విపక్షాలు విమర్శలు చేస్తున్నాయి. ముఖ్యమంత్రి పదవిలో ఉండి అలా ప్రవర్తించడం మర్యాదకరం కాదని కాంగ్రెస్‌, సమాజ్‌వాదీ పార్టీకి చెందిన నేతలు యోగిపై ధ్వజమెత్తారు.

ఇక దేవాలయాలు, మసీదుల్లో లౌడ్ స్పీకర్ల వినియోగంపై నిషేధం

ఇక దేవాలయాలు, మసీదుల్లో లౌడ్ స్పీకర్ల వినియోగంపై నిషేధం
28-06-2018 11:24:17

హైకోర్టు సంచలన ఆదేశాలు
నైనిటాల్ : ఉత్తరాఖండ్ రాష్ట్ర హైకోర్టు తాజాగా సంచలన ఆదేశాలు జారీ చేసింది. ఇక దేవాలయాలు, మసీదుల్లో లౌడ్ స్పీకర్ల వినియోగాన్ని నిషేధిస్తూ ఉత్తరాఖండ్ హైకోర్టు ఆదేశాలు వెలువరించింది. హరిద్వార్, తీర్థనగరి ప్రాంతాల్లోని పరిశ్రమల్లో ధ్వని కాలుష్యాన్ని నివారించాలని హైకోర్టు జస్టిస్ రాజీవ్ శర్మ, జస్టిస్ లోక్ పాల్ సింగ్ లతో కూడిన ధర్మాసనం ఆదేశించింది. హరిద్వార్ జిల్లాలోని బొమ్మల పరిశ్రమలో వెలువడుతున్న ధ్వని కాలుష్యంపై మహేందర్ సింగ్ హైకోర్టులో ప్రజాప్రయోజన వ్యాజ్యం వేశారు. హరిద్వార్ నగరంలో పారిశ్రామిక వ్యర్థాల వల్ల కాలుష్యం పెచ్చుపెరిగిపోయిందని, దీనివల్ల మంచినీరు కలుషితమవుతుందని వాయుకాలుష్యంతోపాటు ధ్వని కాలుష్యాన్ని నివారించాలని మహేందర్ సింగ్ హైకోర్టుకు సమర్పించిన ప్రజాప్రయోజన వ్యాజ్యంలో పేర్కొన్నారు. దీనిపై హైకోర్టు అనుమతి లేకుండా దేవాలయాలు, మసీదుల్లోనూ లౌడ్ స్పీకర్లను వినియోగించరాదని ఆదేశాలు జారీ చేసింది.

Tuesday, 19 June 2018

హిందూ ముస్లిం కాంబినేషన్


         హిందూ  హిందూ కాంబినేషన్ వున్నప్పుడు ఎవరికీ మతం గుర్తుకురాదు. ఇది చాలా సర్వసాధారంగా జరిగే వ్యవహారం. అప్పుడప్పుడు హిందూ ముస్లిం కాంబినేషన్ వున్నా ఎవరికీ మతం గుర్తుకురాదు. అరుదుగానైనా సరే ముస్లిం ముస్లిం కాంబినేషన్ వచ్చినపుడు కమ్యూనిస్టులకు కూడా మతం గుర్తుకు వస్తుంది. దీనినే హిందూత్వ అంటారు. మైడియర్ ఆర్కే!


         నీ ప్రచురణ సంస్థ Perspective ఇప్పటి వరకు ప్రచురించిన పుస్తకాల్లో  హిందూ రచయితల పుస్తకాలెన్నీ, ఇతర మతస్తులు రాసిన పుస్తకాలెన్నీ. నీ కులానికి చెందినవాళ్ళు రాసిన పుస్తకాలెన్నీఇతర కులస్తులు రాసిన పుస్తకాలెన్నీ?  

కోఠీ ఆసిఫియా ప్యాలెస్ ను లీజుకివ్వడం సరికాదు

కోఠీ ఆసిఫియా ప్యాలెస్ ను లీజుకివ్వడం సరికాదు
Jun 17, 2018
 Nizam's kin question lease of Koti Asifia Palace - Sakshi
నిజాం ఆస్తిని ప్రభుత్వం ఎలా లీజుకిస్తుంది?

హైకోర్టులో ఏడో నిజాం మునిమనుమరాలి పిటిషన్‌ 

సాక్షి, హైదరాబాద్‌: రంగారెడ్డి జిల్లా, అల్వాల్‌లో ఏడో నిజాం నవాబ్‌ సర్‌ మీర్‌ ఉస్మాన్‌ మీర్‌ అలీఖాన్‌ బహదూర్‌కు చెందిన 28.48 ఎకరాల్లో ఉన్న ప్యాలెస్‌ను లీజుకివ్వడాన్ని సవాల్‌ చేస్తూ ఏడో నిజాం మునిమనుమరా లు ప్రిన్సెస్‌ షఫియా సకినా రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వంపై న్యాయ పోరాటం ప్రారంభించారు. ఏడాదికి రూపాయి చొప్పు న 99 ఏళ్ల పాటు భారతీయ విద్యాభవన్‌కిచ్చిన లీజును రద్దు చేసి ఆ ప్యాలెస్‌ను తనకు స్వాధీనం చేసేలా ఆదేశాలు జారీ చేయాలని కోరుతూ ఆమె హైకోర్టులో పిటి షన్‌ దాఖలు చేశారు.

ఇందులో కేంద్ర హోంశాఖ కార్యదర్శి, ప్రభుత్వ సీఎస్, భారతీయ విద్యాభవన్‌ ప్రెసిడెం ట్, డిఫెన్స్‌ ఎస్టేట్‌ ఆఫీసర్లను ప్రతివాదులుగా పేర్కొన్నారు. హైదరాబాద్‌ విలీనం తరువాత తమ ఆస్తుల జాబితాను కేంద్ర హోంశాఖకు ఏడో నిజాం సమర్పించారని, వాటిని అనుభవించేందుకు కేంద్రం అనుమతించిందని ఆమె తెలిపారు.

ఏడో నిజాం ఆస్తుల వివరాలు ‘బ్లూ బుక్‌’లో స్పష్టంగా ఉన్నాయన్నారు. వీటిపై ప్రభుత్వానికి ఎలాంటి హక్కులు లేవన్నారు. ఇలాంటి ఆస్తుల్లో అల్వాల్‌ సర్వే నంబర్‌ 157లో ఉన్న కోఠీ ఆసీఫియా ప్యాలెస్‌ కూడా ఒకటని, ఇది 28.48 ఎకరాల్లో విస్తరించి ఉందన్నారు. కంటోన్మెంట్‌ రిజిస్టర్‌లో ఈ ఆస్తి నిజాం ఆస్తిగానే రాసి ఉందన్నారు.

చట్ట ప్రకారం విలువ లేని లీజ్‌ ఇది...
ఏడో నిజాం చనిపోయిన తరువాత వారసుల మధ్య ఆస్తి వివాదాలు తలెత్తాయని, దీంతో అల్వాల్‌లోని ప్యాలెస్‌ను ఎవరూ స్వాధీనం చేసుకోలేదని తెలిపారు. ఇదిలా ఉండగా ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్‌ ప్రభుత్వం 1981లో ఆ ప్యాలెస్‌ను భారతీయ విద్యాభవన్‌కు 99 ఏళ్ల పాటు ఏడాదికి రూపాయి చొప్పున లీజుకు ఇచ్చిం దని ఆమె వివరించారు. 11 నెలల్లోపు రిజిస్టర్‌ కావాల్సిన ఈ లీజు డీడ్‌ ఆ లోపు రిజిస్టర్‌ కాలేదని, అందువల్ల దానికి చట్ట ప్రకారం విలువ లేదన్నారు.

లీజుకు తీసుకున్న ప్యాలెస్‌లో వాణిజ్య కార్యకలాపాలు నిర్వహించేందుకు నిర్వాహకులు ప్రయత్నిస్తున్నారని ఆమె వివరించారు. ఇప్పటికే భారతీయ విద్యాభవన్‌ నిర్వాహకులు ఆ ప్యాలెస్‌ అందాన్ని చెడగొట్టారని, అద్భుతమైన ఫర్నిచర్‌ను ధ్వంసం చేశారని తెలిపారు. ఆ భవనాన్ని స్వాధీనంలో ఉంచుకుని వాడుకుంటున్నందుకు నెలకు రూ.25 లక్షలను డిపాజిట్‌ చేసేలా కూడా ఆదేశాలు జారీ చేయాలన్నారు. 



నిజాం ఆస్తి ప్రైవేటు సంస్థకా!
Jun 19, 2018, 01:38 IST
 Nizam's property is to the private company! - Sakshi
నిజాం మునిమనుమరాలి పిటిషన్‌పై హైకోర్టు

కేంద్ర, రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వాలకు నోటీసులు

సాక్షి, హైదరాబాద్‌: ఏడో నిజాం నవాబ్‌ సర్‌ మీర్‌ ఉస్మాన్‌ అలీఖాన్‌ బహదూర్‌ మునిమనుమరాలు షఫియా సకినా దాఖలు చేసిన పిటిషన్‌పై హైకోర్టు స్పందించింది. రంగారెడ్డి జిల్లా అల్వాల్‌లోని 28.48 ఎకరాల్లో ఉన్న ప్యాలెస్‌ను ఏడాదికి రూ.1 చొప్పున 99 ఏళ్లపాటు భారతీయ విద్యాభవన్‌కు లీజుకివ్వడాన్ని సవాలుచేస్తూ ఆమె కోర్టును ఆశ్రయించిన విషయం తెలిసిందే. నిజాం ఆస్తిని భారతీయ విద్యాభవన్‌కు లీజుకెలా ఇచ్చారో వివరణ ఇవ్వాలంటూ కేంద్ర హోంశాఖ కార్యదర్శి, రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వ ప్రధాన కార్యదర్శి, భారతీయ విద్యాభవన్‌ ప్రెసిడెంట్, డిఫెన్స్‌ ఎస్టేట్‌ ఆఫీసర్లకు కోర్టు నోటీసులు జారీ చేసింది. వివరాలతో కౌంటర్లు దాఖలు చేయాలంటూ తదుపరి విచారణను 3 వారాలకు వాయిదా వేసింది. ఈ మేరకు న్యాయమూర్తి జస్టిస్‌ ఆకుల వెంకటశేషసాయి సోమవారం ఉత్తర్వులు జారీ చేశారు.

భారతీయ విద్యాభవన్‌కు ఇచ్చిన లీజును రద్దు చేసి ఆ ప్యాలెస్‌ను తనకు స్వాధీనం చేసేలా ఆదేశాలు జారీ చేయాలని కోరుతూ షఫియా సకినా హైకోర్టులో వేసిన పిటిషన్‌ను జస్టిస్‌ శేషసాయి విచారించారు. పిటిషనర్‌ తరఫు న్యాయవాది ప్రభాకర్‌ శ్రీపాద వాదనలు వినిపిస్తూ నిజాం ఆస్తులపై ప్రభుత్వానికి హక్కు లేదన్నారు. అల్వాల్‌ సర్వే నం.157లో 28.48 ఎకరాల్లో విస్తరించి ఉన్న కోఠీ ఆసీఫియా ప్యాలెస్‌ను ప్రభుత్వం 1985లో భారతీయ విద్యాభవన్‌కు లీజుకిచ్చిందన్నారు. 

నిజాంకు చెందిన ప్రైవేటు ఆస్తిని ప్రభుత్వం ఓ ప్రైవేటు సంస్థకు లీజుకివ్వడం విస్మయం కలిగిస్తోందన్నారు. 11 నెలల గడువులోగా ఈ లీజుడీడ్‌ రిజిస్టర్‌ కానందున, దీనికి చట్ట ప్రకారం ఎటువంటి విలువ లేదన్నారు. వాదనలను పరిగణనలోకి తీసుకున్న న్యాయమూర్తి ప్రతివాదులకు నోటీసులు జారీ చేశారు. 

Wednesday, 13 June 2018

Muslim population growth slows

Muslim population growth slows

Rukmini S. Vijaita Singh NEW DELHI,  AUGUST 25, 2015 
UPDATED: FEBRUARY 13, 2017 15:41 IST


Gap with Hindu growth rate narrows.
India’s Muslim population is growing slower than it had in the previous decades, and its growth rate has slowed more sharply than that of the Hindu population, new Census data show.

The decadal Muslim rate of growth is the lowest it has ever been in India’s history, as it is for all religions.



The Muslim population still grows at a faster rate than the Hindu population, but the gap between the two growth rates is narrowing fast.

India in numbers



India now has 966.3 million Hindus, who make up 79.8 per cent of its population, and 172.2 million Muslims, who make up 14.23 per cent. Among the other minorities, Christians make up 2.3 per cent of the population and Sikhs 1.72 per cent.

The Registrar-General and Census Commissioner released the data on Population by Religious Communities of Census 2011 on Tuesday evening.

The distribution of data is of the total population by six major religious communities — Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Buddhist and Jain — besides “Other religions and persuasions” and “Religion not stated”.

The data are released by sex and residence up to the levels of sub-districts and towns.

As has been the case since Independence, the rate of increase of the Muslim population is higher than that of the Hindu population as a result of higher Muslim fertility, higher child mortality among Hindus and a greater life expectancy among Muslims, demographers say. However, Muslim fertility rates in India are falling faster than among Hindus, Pew Research’s Future of World Religions report showed recently, and the Muslim community is expected to reach replacement levels of fertility by 2050.

Muslim sex ratio improves further

The data on Population by Religious Communities of Census 2011 show that between 2001 and 2011, Hindu population grew by 16.76 per cent, while that of Muslims by 24.6 per cent. The population of both communities grew faster during the previous decade, at 19.92 per cent and 29.52 per cent, respectively. As a long-term trend, say demographers, the communities’ growth rates are converging.

“This is completely along expected lines, and has been an ongoing process,” P. Arokiasamy, demographer and Professor at the International Institute of Population Sciences, Mumbai, told The Hindu. “With rising education and changing family expectations, declining fertility is an expected demographic phenomenon. It begins among better educated groups with better access to health care — as in India’s southern States — and then other groups catch up and converge,” Dr. Arokiasamy explained. In Kerala, for instance, the Muslim fertility rate (while higher than among the Hindus) is extremely low, especially compared with all communities in the northern States, he said.

The numbers show that the sex ratio among Muslims, already better than among Hindus, has further improved.

The sex ratio among Muslims now stands at 951 females for every 1,000 males, substantially better than 936 in 2001, while among Hindus, it is 939 females for every 1,000 males, a slight improvement over the 2001 value of 931. J&K remains the State with the largest Muslim population as a proportion (68.31 per cent) and saw the largest increase in the Muslim proportion between 2001 and 2011, followed by Uttarakhand and Kerala.



Religion Numbers (Per cent of the population)
Hindu 96.63 crore (79.8 %)
Muslim 17.22 crore (14.2%)
Christian 2.78 crore (2.3%)
Sikh 2.08 crore (1.7%)
Buddhist 0.84 crore (0.7%)
Jain 0.45 crore (0.4%)
Other Religions & Persuasions (ORP) 0.79 crore (0.7%)
Religion Not Stated 0.29 crore (0.2%)


Growth rate

The growth rate of population in the decade 2001-2011 was 17.7%. The growth rate of population of the different religious communities in the same period was:



Religion Growth
Hindu 16.8%
Muslim 24.6%
Christian 15.5%
Sikh 8.4%
Buddhist 6.1%
Jain 5.4%


The Census data on religion comes after a significant delay; the 2001 Census data on religion was released in 2004 and the 2011 round results were expected in 2014. However, the numbers remained unreleased, even as a draft of the key data was selectively leaked earlier. The data comes in the backdrop of much fear-mongering over Muslims and their population, and RSS thinkers were quick to term the new data as proof of the end of Hindus, even while the numbers belie their claim.

The article and the graphic have been corrected for factual errors.



RSS Claims About Rapid Growth of the Muslim Population are Simply False
Growth rate among Muslims is slowing down faster than among Hindus and this fact is widely known

RSS Claims About Rapid Growth of the Muslim Population are Simply False
RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat speaking at Agra College last month. Credit: PTI

Salman Anees Soz
Salman Anees Soz
6
interactions
POLITICS
07/SEP/2016
Recently, Mohan Bhagwat, the chief of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) made controversial remarks in response to questions about population growth of Indian Muslims. He was addressing a gathering of young couples at Agra College. Hindutva groups such as the RSS have long stoked fears of Muslims becoming the largest religious group in India.

In fact, Prime Minister Modi too had infamously fanned such a narrative when he was Chief Minister in Gujarat. Of course, there is no evidence to support the outlandish claims of Hindutva groups. But, in the immortal words of Mark Twain, “a lie can travel half way around the world while the truth is putting on its shoes.” It is my intention to help truth chase lies down. I am particularly interested in the kinds of lies that are divisive and put ordinary lives in danger.

Let’s first see what the controversy was about. At this event, Mohan Bhagwat was taking questions; two questions/comments in particular have been quoted by various media outlets.

“In Bharat, the rate of growth of Hindus is 2.1 percent and that of Muslims is 5.2 percent. If the growth rate of Hindu population continues to lag behind the Muslim growth rate (two-and-half times), then after 50 years, how will we live here as a Hindu nation (Hindu Rashtra)? Won’t this nation become an Islamic country?”
In the second instance, audience members gave examples of France where the French fertility rate was 1.8, while that of Muslims was 8.1. “This would lead to a situation when only one in five residing in France would be original resident by the year 2027,” a volunteer said.
In response, he is quoted to have said: “Which law says that the population of Hindus should not rise? What is stopping them when population of others is rising? The issue is not related to the system. It is because the social environment is like this.”

After an uproar ensued, RSS clarified Bhagwat’s comments in the following way:

What Mohan Bhagwat didn’t say: Hindus should produce more children.
What he actually said: Which law stops you from producing more children?
What he intended to say: There should be a common law about population growth applicable to all.
I think we all know what Mohan Bhagwat meant. Muslims are producing too many kids, they will overwhelm India’s Hindu majority character. Hindus should have more babies. If that is too much to ask, let’s bring in restrictions on how many kids people (read Muslims) can have. Of course, he is too smart to believe Muslims will outnumber Hindus. There is zero evidence to support that. But, fear mongering has its political advantages. So, why not say whatever it takes to promote Hindutva? It is for this reason that we must rebut the majoritarian propaganda of the RSS.

So, what are the facts? According to official census 2011 data, Hindus now constitute 79.8% of India’s population. In 2001, Hindus were 80.45% of the population. On the other hand, Muslims are now 14.2% of the population. In 2001, Muslims population was 13.4% of the total. Between 2001 and 2011, Hindu population grew at an annual rate of 1.55% while Muslims grew at 2.2%. Clearly, Muslims have grown faster than Hindus have. But, that is not the entire story. In fact, Muslim growth rate is slowing down at a rate faster than it is for Hindus. Between 1991 and 2001, the annual growth rate for Hindus was 1.8% and for Muslims it was 2.6%. This relative slowdown in Muslim growth rate is part of a natural demographic transition due to different factors including female education.

Another indicator of population trends is the total fertility rate (TFR), which is the number of births per woman. According to the National Family Health Surveys (NFHS-3 from 2005-06), TFR for Muslim women is 3.1 while it was 2.7 for Hindu women. While Muslim TFR is higher, the gap with Hindu women has narrowed significantly. In the NFHS-1 (1992-93), TFR for Muslim and Hindu women was 4.4 and 3.3 respectively. Furthermore, RSS is aware that the fertility rate of Muslims is similar to fertility rates of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Socioeconomic factors play an important part in evolution of fertility rates. If RSS really wants speed up the decline in Muslim fertility rates, perhaps the right approach would be to help improve the socioeconomic status of Muslims. Now, that would be quite an innovation for RSS. In any event, based on census data on population growth rates and their expected path, as well as the TFR data from NFHS, I am confident Hindus will likely remain at about 80% of India’s population throughout the 21st century.

But, aren’t Muslims growing so rapidly in countries like France that they will soon overwhelm the “original” residents? By extension, if Muslims can do it in Europe, they can do it India, seems to be the argument. The simple answer is ‘No’. The Pew Research Center estimates that while Muslim fertility rates are higher than for non-Muslims in France, the differences are far smaller than the RSS would have us believe. The Muslim fertility rate in France is 2.8 (not 8.1) for Muslims versus 1.9 for others. By 2030, Muslim fertility is likely to drop to 2.4 while for non-Muslims, it will remain at 1.9. The gap between Muslims and non-Muslims is narrowing. In fact, this narrowing gap in fertility rates between Muslims and non-Muslims is happening across Europe in countries such Belgium, Germany, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom. The Pew Center suggests that fertility rates among Muslims (and others) will approach replacement level (2.1) by 2050. This appears to be a natural equilibrium.

Many others have fact-checked RSS talking points on Muslim population growth. Others have pointed out, as I do here, that RSS is spreading falsehoods for political reasons. RSS is so cynical that it continues to push this narrative of the demise of the Hindu majority even as it knows well that nothing close to it is happening. Under such circumstances, we have no choice but to repeatedly call out the lies spread by RSS. But even the RSS must know, truth alone triumphs!

The writer, formerly with the World Bank, is a National Media Panelist of the Indian National Congress. Views expressed are personal.





Religion
Religion
Prologue | About census | Brief history of Census | Data items collected in Census | Administrative Divisions | Area and Population | Gender Composition | Scheduled caste and Scheduled tribes | Age structure and Marital Status | Literacy and Level of Education | Migration | Housing | Availability of Amenities and Assets | Economic activity | Religion | Disabled Population | In Conclusion
    Religion returns in Indian census provide a wonderful kaleidoscope of the country s rich social composition, as many religions have originated in the country and few religions of foreign origin have also flourished here. India has the distinction of being the land from where important religions namely Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism and Jainism have originated at the same time the country is home to several indigenous faiths tribal religions which have survived the influence of major religions for centuries and are holding the ground firmly Regional con-existence of diverse religious groups in the country makes it really unique and the epithet unity in diversity is brought out clearly in the Indian Census.
   Ever since its inception, the Census of India has been collecting and publishing information about the religious affiliations as expressed by the people of India. In fact, population census has the rate distinction of being the only instrument that collets the information son this diverse and important characteristic of the Indian population.


TABLE 21: DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION BY RELIGION
Religion
Number
%
All religious communities
1,028,610,328
100.0
Hindus
827,578,868
80.5
Muslims
138,188,240
13.4
Christians
24,080,016
2.3
Sikhs
19,215,730
1.9
Buddhists
7,955,207
0.8
Jains
4,225,053
0.4
Others
6,639,626
0.6
Religion not stated
727,588
0.1
Source : Religion, Census of India 2001
   At the census 2001, out of 1028 million population, little over 827 million (80.5%) have returned themselves as followers of Hindu religion, 138 million (13.4%) as Muslims or the followers of Islam, 24 million (2.3%) as Christians, 19 million (1.9%) as Sikh, 8 million (0.80%) as Buddhists and 4 million (0.4%) are Jain. In addition, over 6 million have reported professing other religions and faiths including tribal religions, different from six main religions.

    Hinduism is professed by the majority of population in India. The Hindus are most numerous in 27 states/Uts except in Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Lakshadweep, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Jammu & Kashmir and Punjab.

   The Muslims professing Islam are in majority in Lakshadweep and Jammu & Kashmir. The percentage of Muslims is sizeable in Assam (30.9%), West Bengal (25.2%), Kerala (24.7%), Uttar Pradesh (18.5%) and Bihar (16.5%).

    Christianity has emerged as the major religion in three North-eastern states, namely, Nagaland, Mizoram, and Meghalaya. Among other states/Uts, Manipur (34.0%), Goa (26.7%), Andaman & Nicobar Islands (21.7%), Kerala (19.0%), and Arunachal Pradesh (18.7%) have considerable percentage of Christian population to the total population of the State/UT.

    Punjab is the stronghold of Sikhism. The Sikh population of Punjab accounts for more than 75 % of the total Sikh population in the country. Chandigarh (16.1%), Haryana (5.5%), Delhi (4.0%), Uttaranchal (2.5%) and Jammu & Kashmir (2.0%) are other important States/Uts having Sikh population. These six states/Uts together account for nearly 90 percent Sikh population in the country.

   The largest concentration of Buddhism is in Maharashtra (58.3%), where (73.4%) of the total Buddhists in India reside. Karnataka (3.9 lakh), Uttar Pradesh (3.0 lakh), west Bengal (2.4 lakh) and Madhya Pradesh (2.0 lakh) are other states having large Buddhist population. Sikkim (28.1%), Arunachal Pradesh (13.0%) and Mizoram (7.9 %) have emerged as top three states in terms of having maximum percentage of Buddhist population.

   Maharashtra, Rajsthan, Madhya Pradesh, Gujrat, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi have reported major Jain population. These states/Uts together account for nearly 90 percent of the total Jain population in the country. The percentage of Jain population to the total population is maximum in Maharastra (1.3%), Rajsthan (1.2%), Delhi (1.1%) and Gujrat (1.0%). Elsewhere in the country their proportion in negligible.




BJP leaders cite growing Muslim population as threat to India; facts don't back their claims
India IndiaSpend Jan 15, 2018 14:18:05 IST
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By Chaitanya Mallapur

As two elected representatives of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), including a union minister, cite rising Muslim population as a threat, the facts are: Muslim mothers have three children on average, while Hindus have two, but fertility rates are falling, and Muslim population growth is at a 20-year low.

No more than 18.4 percent of Indians will be Muslim by 2050, from 14.4 percent in 2011, and after 32 years, three in four Indians will be Hindu, according to a FactChecker analysis of available data. Christian, Sikh, Buddhist and Jain fertility rates are lower than that of Hindu and Muslim.

Muslim. Representational image. ReutersRepresentational image. Reuters
On 1 January, 2018–the year eight states go to the polls–union minister of state for micro, small and medium enterprises Giriraj Singh said a growing population, “especially Muslims, is a threat to the social fabric, social harmony, and development of the country”, and Banwari Lal Singhal, a BJP legislator from Rajasthan said while Hindus have one or two children and focus on educating them, “Muslims worried about (sic) how to take over the nation by increasing their population.”

The latest figures on children per mother by a religious group are more than a decade old, sourced from National Family Health Survey, 2005-06 (NFHS-3). Hindu and Muslim fertility rates are falling at an equal pace, data shows. Despite the decadal increase in the proportion of Muslims in India from 13.4 percent in 2001 to 14.4 percent, as per Census 2011, Muslim population growth recorded a 20-year low in 2011–falling to 24.6 percent from 32.8 percent in 1991, a decline, as we said, similar to that of Hindus (22.7 percent in 1991 to 16.7 percent in 2011).

Despite the four-percentage-point rise in the proportion of Muslims over the next 32 years, there is no likelihood they can–as the BJP leaders suggest–outnumber Hindus, according to projections made in 2015 by Pew Research Center, a think-tank based in the US.

Muslims want to take over nation by increasing population: Rajasthan legislator

“Hindus giving birth to only one or two children and are worried about educating them,” said Singhal. “But Muslims worried (sic) about how to take over the nation by increasing their population; education and development have no significance to them. It’s my personal opinion."


Singhal’s statement generated discussion and debates on television channels and social media.


In a similar statement to Singhal’s, union minister Singh said: “The growing population of the country, especially Muslims, is a threat to the social fabric, social harmony, and development of the country”.


In brief, these are the claims made:

Claim 1 - Hindus give birth only to one or two children; Muslims worried about how to take over the nation by increasing their population: Singhal

Claim 2 - Growing Muslim population is a threat to social fabric, social harmony and development of the country: Giriraj Singh

Let’s explore these claims in detail.

fact-checker-indiaspend

Fact 1 - 2.6 births per Hindu woman, 3.4 births per Muslim woman: NFHS 3

The rise in population is linked to the total fertility rate (TFR), the number of children a woman has over her childbearing years.

India’s TFR has declined from 3.4 in 1992-93 (NFHS 1) to 2.2 in 2015-16 (NFHS 4). The latest data have not made TFR by religion available.

The TFR for Hindus in 2005-06 was 2.6 births per woman and 3.4 for Muslims, according to NFHS 3, the latest available fertility rate by religion.

The fertility rate among Hindus and Muslims saw a similar declining trend of 0.2 percentage points each, according to our comparison of NFHS 3 and NFHS 2 (1998-99) data.

1

The fertility rate for Indian Muslim women fell from 4.1 in 2001 to 3.2 in 2010 and is expected to be 2.1 by 2050, FactChecker reported, quoting from a Pew report. Hindu fertility rates are 2.5, expected to fall to 1.9 by 2050, below the replacement level–a point at which population stabilises–of 2.1.

“India’s Muslim community will expand faster than its Hindu population, rising from 14.4 percent in 2010 to 18.4 percent in 2050,” the Pew report said. “But, even with this increase, Hindus will make up more than three-in-four Indians (76.7 percent) in 2050. Indeed, the number of Hindus in India will still be larger than the five largest Muslim populations in the world’s biggest Muslim countries (India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Nigeria and Bangladesh) combined.”

Fertility rates in India are more closely related to education levels and the socio-economic development within a state, than to religious beliefs, IndiaSpend reported. Richer families, states with better health facilities and higher female literacy have lower fertility rates, the analysis revealed.

Fact 2 - Muslim population growth at 20-year low; Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists have least children

India is home to more than 1.21 billion people: 79.8 percent Hindu (966 million), 14.2 percent Muslim (172 million), 2.3 percent Christian (28 million) and 1.7 percent Sikh (20 million), among major religious groups, according to Census 2011 data.

2

Over the decade to 2011, India’s population grew 17.7 percent. Muslim population grew fastest at 24.6 percent, followed by Hindu (16.8 percent), Christian (15.5 percent), Sikh (8.4 percent) and Buddhist (6.1 percent), according to census 2011 data released by the Registrar General and Census Commissioner in August 2015.

The proportion of Muslims in Indian population increased from 13.4 percent in 2001 to 14.2 percent in 2011; the proportion of Hindus declined from 80.5 percent in 2001 to 79.8 percent in 2011; Sikhs decreased from 1.9 percent to 1.7 percent over the same period. There was no change in Christian and Jain proportions.

Based on the data released by the government in August 2015, media reports also pointed out that Islam was the fastest growing religion in India.

However, as we said, Muslim population growth fell to a 20-year low to 24.6 percent in 2011, the proportion of Muslims increasing across all states.

3

The decadal population growth rates of both Hindus–22.7 percent (1991), 19.9 percent (2001), 16.7 percent (2011)–and Muslims–32.8 percent (1991), 29.5 percent (2001), 24.6 percent (2011)–are declining.

The growth rate of Muslim population will continue to decline and will “stabilise” to the rate of Hindu population growth, Ram Puniyani, a social activist and former professor at Indian Institute of Technology, Bombay, wrote in Countercurrents.org, an online opinions portal.

“Interestingly, the population increase of Hindus during the period of 2001 to 2011 has been 133 millions (sic), which is close to the total population of Muslims in 2001,” wrote Puniyani. “The scare being spread through (a) word-of-mouth campaign and through social media about Muslim population taking over the Hindu population holds no water, as there are clear trends of decline in the decadal rate of growth of (the) Muslim population as well.”

FactChecker is fact-checking initiative, scrutinising for veracity and context statements made by individuals and organisations in public life.


Updated Date: Jan 15, 2018 14:18 PM

Truth about whether Hindus were forced to convert to Islam during Mughal rule

Truth about whether Hindus were forced to convert to Islam during Mughal rule

[Book extract] Political relations should be examined in terms of the politics of the time.
ART & CULTURE |  2-minute read |   01-04-2018
Romila Thapar  

Rajput royal families intermarried with Mughal nobility. Apart from personal relationships this also meant that palace rituals reflected more than one tradition. Rajputs or other high caste Hindus, such as learned Brahmanas and Kayasthas, frequently manned the more responsible levels of Mughal administration.

The Mughal army that defeated Rana Pratap at the Battle of Haldighati was commanded by Rajputs, a command that was given to them on more than one occasion. Conversion to Islam was on a lesser scale than is claimed in the exaggerated accounts of court chronicles since the percentage of the Muslim population remained a minority even in pre-Partition India. This may well have been because Hindus were not invariably forced to convert.

This is not to say that there was no confrontation at the political level but this should not be confused with claiming that there was massive victimisation of the Hindus bringing about Hindu resistance in the late Mughal period. Political relations should be examined in terms of the politics of the time. Conflicts of a routine kind were clearly local and more casual than has been assumed.

Relations between communities in general tend to be governed by some degree of accommodation and some degree of confrontation. It makes greater sense to try and analyse the reasons for either. It is as well to remember that confrontations in India relating to religion go back to a period when Islam did not even exist as a religion.

We may insist today that Buddhism and Jainism have always been a part of what we now call Hinduism, and therefore there was no conflict between them and Hinduism. But their teachings were distinctively different as were the social institutions that they instituted, as for example the monastic orders of the Buddhists and Jainas in particular. There are references to hostility between what were in the past called the dharma of the Brahmanas and that of the Shramanas.

The much-respected grammarian Patanjali, writing in the second century BC, compares the relationship of the two dharmas to that of the snake and the mongoose. But to return to our times. Nationalism can determine the selection of what we project as national culture. This helps in the preservation of what otherwise might have declined, or it highlights ideas and objects that might have been neglected.

But there is also the problem of the destruction of culture in the name of nationalism or a similar sentiment. This is generally a systematic, deliberate, destruction of a prominent aspect of culture, in order to make a statement and attract attention. It is essentially a political act and may actually have little to do with sentiment.

(Courtesy of Mail Today)

Sunday, 10 June 2018

Urdu short-story, progressivism and Prof Ahmed Ali

Urdu short-story, progressivism and Prof Ahmed Ali
Rauf ParekhJanuary 13, 2009 Facebook Count
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A scholar, short-story writer, novelist, critic and translator, Prof Ahmed Ali is one of those few writers who have written both in Urdu and English. He continued writing in both languages till he died, when his fame had already crossed over the borders of the subcontinent.

Ahmed Ali shot to fame in 1932 with the publication of `Angare` (or embers), a fiery collection of Urdu short stories that, true to its name, ignited a fire of anger throughout the conservative society of India that viewed the collection as obscene, blasphemous and a challenge to the moral codes and traditional norms of society.

Though he wrote many more short stories, novels and other books, the fame, or notoriety, he gained through the publication of `Angare`, kept haunting him throughout his life and even today his name invokes strong association with `Angare`. The book, seen by many as a harbinger of the progressive literary movement in the subcontinent, consisted of 10 short stories. The others who contributed to it were his Marxist friends Sajjad Zaheer, Rasheed Jahan and Mahmood-uz-Zafar.

One of the most significant contributions of Ahmed Ali`s was his role in the formation of the Progressive Writers` Association (PWA) in 1936, with he being one of the founders who conceived the PWA`s basic idea and its manifesto, though he later developed differences with other comrades of his and distanced himself from the movement and association .

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Born on July 1, 1910, in Delhi, Ahmed Ali did his Master`s in English from Lucknow University in 1931 and taught at the Lucknow and Allahabad universities and Presidency College, Calcutta (now Kolkata), between 1931 and 1947. He served as a visiting professor in China for about two years and then joined Pakistan`s foreign service, where he worked till 1960.

He began writing in English and got published his first English poem titled `The lake of dreams` in 1926 (when he was 16), in an Aligarh magazine. His first English short story was published in 1928 in Lucknow University`s magazine. “Mahavaton ki aik raat`, or a night of winter rains, was his first Urdu short story which, according to Dr Farman Fatehpuri, was published in Humayun`s annual issue in January 1932. The same short story was included in `Angare` when it was published later the same year.

By the time Ahmed Ali began writing, Urdu prose was submerged in romanticism, subjectivity and aestheticism. Awash with highly imaginative short stories, Urdu fiction of the day was, to a large extent, written in a flowery language teeming with poetical and metaphorical expressions with Sajjad Hyder Yildirim, Majnoon Gorakhpuri and Niaz Fatehpuri being its master practitioners. Even literary criticism had become poetical in style and a sign of the time was Abdur Rehman Bijnori`s appreciation of Ghalib`s poetry, `Mahasin-i-Kalam-i-Ghalib`, that sounded more like a eulogy than a detached critical evaluation of its subject. Writers and critics were more concerned about conveying their own feelings and personal experiences rather than depicting society and reflecting real life in fiction.

It was progressive writers such as Ahmed Ali who introduced realism, objectivity, class-struggle and social and economic woes of the teeming millions, hitherto largely ignored, to Urdu prose. Though Munshi Prem Chand had written short stories and novels that were a protest against the abject poverty, social injustices and exploitative capitalist economy, Ahmed Ali was the first to write creative fiction with a deep sense of social injustices and understanding of the Marxist philosophy.

To convey their message of the Marxist philosophy to the people, Urdu short story was the chosen genre of the progressives. Progressivism and Urdu short story reached the pinnacle of their popularity in the subcontinent hand in hand, pushing Urdu poetry`s most popular genre `ghazal` to the backburner with its traditional ideas of love, albeit only to see `ghazal` stage a comeback with a classical diction that had contemporary political connotations. In fact, some critics, Ali Jawad Zaidi, for instance, believe that it was Urdu short story that heralded the birth of progressivism in the subcontinent. Even today, short story is the most favoured genre of Urdu fiction and it owes much of its popularity to those who made it a tool to express modern sensibility and contemporary political and social trends, and the list includes Prof Ahmed Ali as one of the pioneers.

His English novel `Twilight in Delhi` (1940) portrayed the old but empty mannerism and the fading culture of Delhi. Its translation `Dilli ki shaam` was published in 1963. The collection of his short stories include `Shole` (1936), `Hamari gali` (1943), `Qaid khana` (1944), `Maut se pehle` (1945). `Ghalib selected poems`, `Maxim Gorki as a short story writer` and `Problem of style and technique in Ghalib` are some of his critical works published in English. `The golden tradition` is an anthology of selected and translated Urdu poetry published by the Columbia University Press with a scholarly introduction by Ahmed Ali. Many of his books and English translations of Urdu poetry were published abroad and, as a result, most of his countrymen remained unaware of many of his precious works.

What created particular interest and curiosity was his English translation of the Quran which many saw as a remarkable deviation from his well-known stance, though he had much earlier disassociated himself from the progressive writers and had made his disagreement clear in an article published in a magazine named `Manzil`.

Prof Ahmed Ali died in Karachi on January 14, 1994.

drraufparekh@yahoo.com

Monday, 4 June 2018

Myanmar willing to take back all Rohingya refugees

Myanmar willing to take back all Rohingya refugees, top official says
700,000 Rohingya Muslim refugees who have fled to Bangladesh may volunteer to return

The Independent Online
Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed in January to complete the voluntary repatriation of the refugees within two years
Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed in January to complete the voluntary repatriation of the refugees within two years ( AP )
Myanmar is willing to take back all 700,000 Rohingya Muslim refugees who have fled to Bangladesh if they volunteer to return, the country’s national security adviser U Thaung Tun said on Saturday.

He was speaking at the Shangri-La Dialogue, a regional security conference in Singapore, where he was asked if the situation in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, where most Rohingya live, could trigger use of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) framework of the United Nations.

The R2P framework was adopted at the 2005 UN World Summit in which nations agreed to protect their own populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, and accepted a collective responsibility to encourage and help each other to uphold this commitment.

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‘Bittersweet’ Ramadan for Rohingya Muslims forced to flee their homes
“If you can send back 700,000 on a voluntary basis, we are willing to receive them,” Thaung Tun said. “Can this be called ethnic cleansing?

“There is no war going on, so it’s not war crimes. Crimes against humanity, that could be a consideration, but we need clear evidence. These serious charges should be proved and they should not be bandied about lightly.”

Since August 2017, about 700,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled a military crackdown in mainly Buddhist Myanmar; many reporting killings, rape and arson on a large scale, the UN and other aid organisations have said.

The United Nations and aid agencies have described the crackdown on the Rohingya as “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing”, an accusation Myanmar rejects.

Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed in January to complete the voluntary repatriation of the refugees within two years.

Rohingya Crisis in Photos
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Myanmar signed an agreement with the United Nations on Thursday aimed at eventually allowing the Rohingya sheltering in Bangladesh to return safely and by choice.

It also said it would set up an independent commission to investigate “the violation of human rights and related issues” in Rakhine State following the army operation there in response to attacks by Rohingya insurgents on security posts.

Thaung Tun said that the narrative of what happened in Rakhine was “incomplete and misleading”.

“Myanmar does not deny that what is unfolding in northern Rakhine is a humanitarian crisis,” he said. “There is no denying that the Muslim community in Rakhine has suffered. The Buddhist Rakhine, Hindu and other ethnic minorities have suffered no less.”

He said that while the military had the right to defend the country, if investigations showed they had acted illegally, action would be taken.



Myanmar says willing to take back all Rohingya refugees
Reuters Staff

3 MIN READ

SINGAPORE (Reuters) - Myanmar is willing to take back all 700,000 Rohingya Muslim refugees who have fled to Bangladesh if they volunteer to return, the country’s National Security Adviser Thaung Tun said on Saturday.

FILE PHOTO: A man crosses a bamboo bridge over rice paddies in the Chakmakul camp for Rohingya refugees in southern Bangladesh, February 13, 2018. REUTERS/Andrew RC Marshall
He was speaking at the Shangri-La Dialogue, a regional security conference in Singapore, where he was asked if the situation in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, where most Rohingya live, could trigger use of the Responsibility to Protect framework of the United Nations.

The so-called R2P framework was adopted at the 2005 U.N. World Summit in which nations agreed to protect their own populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and accepted a collective responsibility to encourage and help each other uphold this commitment.

“If you can send back 700,000 on a voluntary basis, we are willing to receive them,” Thaung Tun said. “Can this be called ethnic cleansing?

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“There is no war going on, so it’s not war crimes. Crimes against humanity, that could be a consideration, but we need clear evidence. These serious charges should be proved and they should not be bandied about lightly.”

Since August 2017, about 700,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled a military crackdown in mainly Buddhist Myanmar, many reporting killings, rape and arson on a large scale, U.N. and other aid organizations have said.

The United Nations and aid agencies have described the crackdown on the Rohingya as “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing”, an accusation Myanmar rejects.

FILE PHOTO: Myanmar's national security advisor Thaung Tun departs from a meeting to discuss the Rohingya situation during the United Nations General Assembly in New York City, U.S. September 18, 2017. REUTERS/Stephanie Keith
Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed in January to complete the voluntary repatriation of the refugees within two years.

Myanmar signed an agreement with the United Nations on Thursday aimed at eventually allowing the Rohingya sheltering in Bangladesh to return safely and by choice.

It also said it would set up an independent commission to investigate “the violation of human rights and related issues” in Rakhine State following the army operation there in response to attacks by Rohingya insurgents on security posts.

Thaung Tun said that the narrative of what happened in Rakhine was “incomplete and misleading”.

“Myanmar does not deny that what is unfolding in northern Rakhine is a humanitarian crisis,” he said. “There is no denying that the Muslim community in Rakhine has suffered. The Buddhist Rakhine, Hindu and other ethnic minorities have suffered no less.”

He said that while the military had the right to defend the country, if investigations showed they had acted illegally, action would be taken.

Reporting by Raju Gopalakrishnan; Editing by Alex Richardson


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