Monday, 28 October 2019

After Zomato Episode, Man Rejects Swiggy Order Over Muslim Delivery Executive

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After Zomato Episode, Man Rejects Swiggy Order Over Muslim Delivery Executive
Devneel Goswami October 25, 2019


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A man from Hyderabad refused to accept his order via Swiggy because it was delivered by a Muslim delivery executive.

According to the Hindustan Times, Ajay Kumar had placed an order of Chicken 65 from Grand Bawarchi restaurant in the Falaknuma area in Hyderabad via Swiggy, the mobile food delivery app. While placing the order, however, he had given specific instructions for the food to be delivered by a “Hindu delivery person.”


Riaz Ahmed
@karmariaz
 · Oct 23, 2019
“He asked my name and when I revealed my identity, he was angry. He shouted at me for not honouring his preferences. He said he was rejecting the delivery, because I was a Muslim,” Mudassir said. https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/swiggy-customer-in-hyderabad-refuses-to-accept-food-delivered-by-muslim-man/story-BkTG3cFpQkmGTG1dkgdl2H.html …


Swiggy customer in Hyderabad refuses to accept food delivered by Muslim man | india news | Hindus...
While ordering, the customer mentioned his preferences which included a ‘Hindu delivery person’.

hindustantimes.com

Riaz Ahmed
@karmariaz
Just to remind you, Hindutva fascists were trending boycott business with Muslims two days ago.

182
12:29 PM - Oct 23, 2019
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When the order was delivered, he was enraged to find that the delivery executive was a Muslim. He refused to collect the order, shouted at the delivery person and got into a heated argument with Swiggy customer care executives.

“He asked my name and when I told him, he got very angry,” said Omar, the delivery executive who the order was assigned to. “He shouted at me for not honouring his preferences. He said he was rejecting the delivery because I was a Muslim,” Omar is quoted as saying.

Speaking to Bangalore Mirror, Omar stated that Swiggy is not concerned with the religion of a person and that he was probably assigned the delivery because he lives nearby. He also went on to say that there are hardly any Hindu delivery boys living in the Faluknama area and that he was assigned the order automatically by the system.

When the customer care executive informed Kumar that he would be charged Rs 95 as a cancellation fee, he said he did not mind the penalty as long as he would not have to accept the delivery from a Muslim, the Hindustan Times reported.

Also read: Inside the Bleak World of Delhi’s Contractual Labourers

Later that day, Amzadullah Khan, the president of the political party Majlis Bachao Tehreek, pointed out that the owner of the restaurant was a Muslim himself and the chef of the restaurant also belonged to the same community. He also said that he had advised Swiggy to file a police complaint in this regard.

This is not the first time that such an incident has come to light.

Earlier this year in July, Zomato had dealt with a similar problem when a customer refused to accept his delivery from a Muslim delivery executive in the month of Shravan.

As the debate heated up on social media, Zomato had tweeted “Food has no religion”.


Zomato India

@ZomatoIN
Food doesn’t have a religion. It is a religion. https://twitter.com/Amit_shukla999/status/1156217070247268352 …

पं अमित शुक्ल
@Amit_shukla999
Just cancelled an order on @ZomatoIN they allocated a non hindu rider for my food they said they can't change rider and can't refund on cancellation I said you can't force me to take a delivery I don't want don't refund just cancel

93.5K
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Zomato also posted a follow-up statement with a caption saying “Food for thought”.


Zomato India

@ZomatoIN
 · Jul 30, 2019
Food doesn’t have a religion. It is a religion. https://twitter.com/Amit_shukla999/status/1156217070247268352 …

पं अमित शुक्ल
@Amit_shukla999
Just cancelled an order on @ZomatoIN they allocated a non hindu rider for my food they said they can't change rider and can't refund on cancellation I said you can't force me to take a delivery I don't want don't refund just cancel


Zomato India

@ZomatoIN
Food for thought

View image on Twitter
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Deepinder Goyal, the founder of Zomato, had said “We are proud of the idea of India- and the diversity of our esteemed customers and partners. We aren’t sorry to lose any business that comes in the way of our values.”


Deepinder Goyal

@deepigoyal
We are proud of the idea of India - and the diversity of our esteemed customers and partners. We aren’t sorry to lose any business that comes in the way of our values. 🇮🇳 https://twitter.com/ZomatoIN/status/1156429449258250240 …

Zomato India

@ZomatoIN
Food doesn’t have a religion. It is a religion. https://twitter.com/Amit_shukla999/status/1156217070247268352 …

61.7K
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In Swiggy’s case, Omar, the 32-year-old delivery executive, a postgraduate student, told Hindustan Times: “I believe that we are all humans. But I came across this peculiar experience”.

Wednesday, 23 October 2019

AYODHYA Welcome stay - Front Line

AYODHYA Welcome stay
VENKITESH RAMAKRISHNAN
in New Delhi
The Supreme Court order staying the Allahabad High Court verdict opens up all possibilities in the Ayodhya title suit.

https://frontline.thehindu.com/static/html/fl2811/stories/20110603281109900.htm

PTI 
  
Mohammed Hashim Ansari(right), the main plaintiff in the case on behalf of the Sunni Central Waqf Board, with Nirmohi Akhara president Mahant Bhaskar Das in Faizabad after the Allahabad High Court judgment in 2010. Both are against a division of the disputed land.
RIGHT from the day it was delivered on September 30, 2010, the Allahabad High Court judgment recommending trifurcation of the disputed Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi site in Ayodhya evoked widespread criticism over its violations and limitations in terms of established judicial practices. The Supreme Court in its order of May 9, 2011, which stayed the High Court verdict, upheld, in a sense, the spirit of this criticism.
The apex court observed that the three-way division in the High Court judgment was “strange” and “surprising”. The two-member Bench of Justices Aftab Alam and R.M. Lodha stated thus: “A new dimension was given by the High Court as the decree of partition was not sought by the parties. It was not prayed by anyone. It has to be stayed. It's a strange order. How can a decree of partition be passed when none of the parties had prayed for it? Court has done something on its own. It's strange. Such kind of decrees cannot be allowed to be in operation.”
In the wake of the High Court judgment, it was pointed out in both judicial and political forums that the tools of jurisprudence employed by the three judges in formulating the verdict marked a significant departure from usual judicial practice. Central to this criticism was the judges' use of faith and belief as key components in the arguments they advanced.
Several legal experts pointed out that issues relating to faith and belief were brought in in such a large measure by Justices Dharam Veer Sharma, Sudhir Agarwal and Sibghat Ullah Khan in their individual judgments that they almost seemed to overlook the fundamental fact that the case under jurisdiction related to a title suit in a property dispute.
The Supreme Court stay order has not gone into an analysis of this perceived transgression of normal judicial practice, but several parties to the dispute and close observers of the Ayodhya case say this will happen anyway in the course of the hearing on the appeals that have come up before the apex court.
Talking to Frontline, Anupam Gupta, former counsel of the Justice Liberhan Commission, which was set up to bring out the truth behind the demolition of the Babri Masjid in December 1992, said the Supreme Court stay order would enable a re-examination of all the premises and postulates of the Allahabad High Court order when the case progressed to the final hearing stage. He said:
“The use of the words ‘strange' and ‘surprising' is significant. The Supreme Court could have just stated that all parties involved in the dispute – the Sunni Central Waqf Board, which claimed to have had possession of the disputed structure and the land around it since the 16th century, the Nirmohi Akhara, which has staked its claim to the property since 1885 and ran a place of worship on the premises, and Lord Ram Lalla (infant Ram), represented by his Sakha (close friend) Triloki Nath Pandey – are against trifurcation and hence the verdict is stayed. But the Bench chose to observe that the Allahabad High Court verdict was strange and surprising.
“Undoubtedly, this observation has significance beyond its immediate context and should serve as a reminder to civil society in general and in particular to those sections that had persuaded it to believe that trifurcation was the best possible pragmatic solution to the Ayodhya dispute. These sections had argued that the long-standing problem had caused social and political fatigue in the population and that one should look for easy and practical justice. The Supreme Court stay underscores one important aspect that these sections of civil society chose to overlook: that no solution that does not stand up to proper judicial principles and scrutiny can be acceptable to a nation and its people.”
While Gupta did not name the sections of civil society, it is widely known that the two big mainstream political parties, the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), had welcomed the trifurcation recommendation as a possible basis for a negotiated settlement of the Ayodhya dispute. The Supreme Court order has virtually quashed this expectation.
NAND KUMAR/PTI 
  
ZAFARYAB JILANI, SENIOR counsel of the Sunni Central Waqf Board.
Interestingly, the BJP welcomed the Supreme Court stay too. The Congress maintained that the party, as a matter of principle, did not comment on judicial issues that were under process. Other secular political forces, including the Left parties, led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist), and the Samajwadi Party (S.P.), have welcomed the Supreme Court order as a step in the right direction.
In Ayodhya itself, the parties to the dispute welcomed the apex court order. Mohammed Hashim Ansari, the main plaintiff in the case on behalf of the Sunni Central Waqf Board, told Frontline that none of the parties involved in the dispute wanted a division of the property. “The apex court order should serve as a lesson for all those involved in cheap politics over the issue,” Ansari said.
Mahant Bhaskar Das of the Nirmohi Akhara echoed Ansari's view. He said his organisation was against the division of the disputed land and added that the Supreme Court had justified the akhara's stand.
The third party, Triloki Nath Pandey, representing Ram Lalla, also welcomed the decision because he and all the devotees of Ram believe that all of Ayodhya is the property of the deity and it cannot be apportioned to other organisations or faiths. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), the sword arm of the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh-led Sangh Parivar and the strongest political associate of the third party, also welcomed the stay and advanced arguments similar to those of Pandey.
Talking to Frontline from Lucknow, Zafaryab Jilani, main lawyer of the Sunni Central Wakf Board and a leader of the Babri Masjid Action Committee (BMAC), said the Supreme Court stay did indicate that the earlier sanctioned decree of the Allahabad High Court was not sound in law. “The order has once again opened up the Ayodhya case for all possibilities and, of course, a long judicial process,” he said.
Jilani and other legal experts associated with the three parties to the dispute were of the view that legal procedures in the Supreme Court would at least take another two years.
However, representatives of all the parties told Frontline that they were open to negotiations under a competent political authority, which could lead to an amicable settlement. In fact, Mohammed Hashim Ansari had joined hands with Mahant Gyan Das of the Hanuman Garhi temple in Ayodhya to initiate steps in this direction. But so far the move has failed to gather momentum.
Given the chequered history of the dispute and the efforts for a negotiated settlement, no political organisation has the credibility to take the lead in such an exercise.


BLOGS / PRARTHNA GAHILOTE
Hashim Ansari -- A Long Wait

At 90, Hashim Ansari seems to be the voice of wisdom. "Masjid se pehley hummey Mulk dekhna hai (we have to look at the nation before the Mosque), he says. Many would call it ironic. Others may even term it pretence. Considering Mohammad Hashim Ansari is the lone surviving petitioner in the Ayodhya title suit case -- filing a case in the court in 1961 for the restoration of the Babri Mosque. But for Ansari, it is neither. Ansari is unfazed. Even irritated, with the constant probing from the stream of journalists, visiting him the past few weeks.
"Phir aa gaye, (they have come again), is how Ansari greets us. He’s seen the entire media circus in Ayodhya in the last one decade, often even finding himself in the centre of it all. But says he dreads that it is starting all over again.
Just up from his afternoon siesta in his mostly bare house in Punji Tola, Ansari wants to talk about everything else except the Friday verdict. "Jo hoga, dekha jayega. Court taiy karega. Hum maneingey (we will see what happens. The Court will decide and we will abide by it). Ask him what he expects and he just smiles. No answers for now. Instead, he wants to talk about old friends and camaraderie from the past. "Parso main Gyan Das se milney gaya tha. Bahut der baithey. Baat ki  (I went to meet Gyan Das the day before. We sat together for a long time. Chatted).
The mention of a meeting with Gyan Das may surprise one. At least now, with the judgement, just days away. Gyan Das after all is the president of the Akhara Parishad and also the mahant of the famous Hanumangarhi temple in Ayodhya. Many may even think, perhaps the meeting between Ansari and Gyan Das was a last ditch attempt to find a solution. A formula, to settle the dispute and the ongoing battle between the two communities. Not for Ansari. He is far removed from these conspiracy theories. Gyan Das is still a friend, he says. "The court case is a separate issue all together. We don’t let it come between us."
There is a certain amount of passion in Ansari’s voice when he says that. You wouldn’t doubt it for a minute. It’s also something that makes Ansari visibly happy and open up. Almost as if shoving the court case aside, Ansari is eager to recount old days. "There was never any bitterness. We were all friends when the case began and we have remained friends through it," is how Ansari describes his relationship with the other petitioners. Local residents who knew Ansari back then are full of stories. The most popular being, how Ansari and Ramchandra Paramahans Das, keeper of the Digambar Akhara and also a petitioner in another suit filed in 1961 were regular card players. Every evening Ansari would cycle to Paramhans’s place and then would begin endless rounds of card playing.
Ansari himself recalls, "Paramhans and I used to go the court together. I would cycle to court and Paramhans would ride pillion. I remember there was once when he didn’t have documents to present in the court. I gave him my copy. On another occasion, he stood witness for me in one of the hearings. We were also together in jail once." He adds, "Koi maahol nahi bigda tab (the atmosphere didn’t get ruined then) But that was then.
Today, four layers of barricading separates Ansari’s house from the disputed site, just across the road, making it absolutely inaccessible for the likes of him. Looking at the barricades from his door, Ansari recalls the last time he went to the Babri mosque to do namaz. "Isha ki namaz thi. Masjid gaye the namaz adaa karney. Sab kuch shaaant tha. Shehar mein koi gadbad nahi thi ( we had gone to the mosque to do the namaz. The town was quiet. There was no sense of danger)." This was December, 1949. Ansari along with other Muslims came back from the Mosque as usual. Late in the night, he recalls, "Ram Dev Dubey who was the kotwal went to his neighbour Zahir Abbas’s house. Dubey told Abbas that he sensed trouble. Together the two locked the gates of the mosque for safety sake. Lot later Abhay Ram Das, a local sadhu jumped the walls of the mosque and kept an idol of Ram lalaa there."
Ansari adds, "I filed a case in the court 12 years after all this happened. It was a local issue. The politicians jumped in much later. They changed the face of the dispute. If we knew that politicians would milk our mosque for their own gains, we would have done things differently." The politicians keep coming back to Ayodhya. Ansari calls them fish and describes Ayodhya as their favourite pond. "How will the fish stay out of the pond?" he laughs.
Outside Ansari’s house the town is quietly going about its business. PAC jawans dot the bylanes. Many of them posted in Ayodhya, for over a month now, to maintain law and order. Ansari seems to be untouched by the tension building in Ayodhya. He cares little about the security forces pouring into the town, taking positions behind the many pickets that have now been put up. Even less, about the rumours regarding the judgement. The September 17 surprise attempt of an `out-of-court-settlement’ did little for Ansari. "If it had to be decided out of court through mutual consent and discussion, we would have done it long back," he says, dismissing the attempt as a gimmick.
As the PAC keeps vigil from their pickets, Kuldip Singh, a jawan says, "it’s as quiet here as it has been for the last one month since we arrived. But things can be very different after the verdict. Our job is to keep a watch. We are doing that."  
Keeping a watch, is also what Ansari is doing. "I am waiting for the 24th and I want this to finish. This has been dragging on for too long. Before 1947, Hindus and Muslims were called brothers. I want Hindus and Muslims to be called brothers again. The 24thverdict should be the final word on the dispute," he says.
I ask Ansari if he will go to the Supreme Court in case the verdict is against the Muslims and he shoots, "I will not. Let the politicians play more politics over it and go to the Supreme Court. I have lived with this for 49 years. I want it to be over." Ansari’s fatigue is perhaps best reflected in the board outside his house. A faded shade of green with the writing almost illegible, it says, `Mohmmad Hashim Ansari, Petitioner suit number 4/89’ The sides of the metal board are visibly rusted and the frame it was mounted on, long gone.


Ayodhya verdict: Allahabad High Court says divide land in 3 ways
India | NDTV Correspondent | 
Updated: October 01, 2010 00:31 IST
  
LUCKNOW:  Sixty years after it first went to court, the Lucknow bench of the Allahabad High Court has pronounced judgment in the Ayodhya title suit, saying Hindus and Muslims are joint title holders.

The three-judge bench - comprising Justice S U Khan, Justice Sudhir Agarwal and Justice D V Sharma - ruled in a majority judgment 2:1, that there be a three-way division of the disputed land - one-third for the Sunni Waqf Board, one-third for the Nirmohi Akhara and one-third to the party for 'Ram Lalla'.

Each of the three judges gave a summary of his own. 

Justice Khan pointed to the unprecedented nature of Hindus and Muslims worshipping together for centuries. (Read: Muslims, Hindus worshipped together, says Justice Khan)

And Justice Aggarwal observed that the inner courtyard of the building belonged to both Hindus and Muslims. (Read: Inner courtyard area belongs to Hindus & Muslims, says Justice Agarwal)

The Ayodhya judgment

In an order that runs into over 8,000 pages, the High Court has said that the portion below the central dome under which the idols of Lord Ram and other Gods are placed in a makeshift temple, belongs to Hindus. All three judges agreed that the portion under the central dome should be allotted to Hindus.

The Nirmohi Akhara, the judgment says, would get the Ram Chabutra and Sita Rasoi. (Read the judgement) 

Ravi Shankar Prasad, BJP leader and senior advocate appearing for one of the litigants, emerged from court after the verdict to say, "this matter will be looked into in the next three months but the important part here is that court has taken a decision with the consent of the majority and that is that where Ram Lalla is (viraajman) is the birth place of Ram and that's what the Hindu's believe and even (Justice) SU Khan has also said that Ram Lalla will not be moved out from that place even when it will be divided into three."

Crucially, the court has said there shall be status quo at the site for three months.

There were two other majority findings, where one judge dissented and two agreed: that the disputed structure was a mosque and that a temple was demolished to build a mosque. Justice SU Khan held that no temple was demolished for constructing the mosque at the disputed structure. He said the mosque was constructed under orders of Babar over the ruins of temples lying in that state for a very long time. (Read: Ayodhya dispute timeline)

The judgment observed that the idols were placed beneath the central dome early on December 23, 1949.

The court dismissed two major claims to the land - one filed in 1989 on behalf Ram Lalla, or the infant Lord Ram, and the second by the Sunni Waqf Board filed in 1961. (Watch: Sunni Waqf Board's suit dismissed, says lawyer) | (Read: Sunni Waqf Board to appeal in Supreme Court)

The Sunni Waqf Board has said it does not agree with today's judgment and will appeal in the Supreme Court against it. 

The chairman of the Sri Ram Janmbhoomi Trust, Nritya Gopal Das, too said they would challenge the decision to provide one-third of the disputed land to the Sunni Waqf Board in the Supreme Court. (Watch: The background to the Ayodhya dispute)

The dispute before the court was whether the 2.7 acres of disputed land on which the Babri Masjid stood before it was demolished on December 6, 1992, belongs to the Sunni Central Waqf Board or to the Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha.

It has been a protracted legal battle, and people across the country have spoken in one voice on the need to maintain peace and harmony.


PM appeals for peace

After a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on security, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh issued an appeal to "all sections of the people to maintain peace and tranquility and to show respect for all religions and religious beliefs in the highest traditions of Indian culture... Let me also state that Government on its part remains fully committed to upholding the rule of law and maintaining peace, order and harmony... It is my hope that the response of the people of India to the judgement will be respectful, dignified and do our country proud.

He said the "orders delivered by the three Honourable Judges need to be examined carefully." "The correct conclusion, at this stage, is that the status quo will be maintained until the cases are taken up by the Supreme Court," he said. (Read: PM appeals for peace after verdict)

Temple politics back?

Only a few hours after the Ayodhya verdict, top leaders of the BJP met at party patriarch LK Advani's residence in New Delhi. After the meeting, Advani said, "In so far as the judgement upholds the right of the Hindus to construct a temple, it is a significant step forward toward the construction of a grand temple of the birthplace of Lord Ram." (Watch: Advani, Modi, others react to verdict)

Advani said the BJP believed the verdict opened a new chapter for national integration and a new era of inter-community relations and added that the party "is gratified that the nation has received the verdict with maturity." (Read: A new chapter of national integration, says Advani)

No politics, please, said the Congress. Senior leader in charge of UP Digvijaya Singh said, "no politics at this point." (Watch: Ayodhya verdict- Temple politics back?)

Political parties appeal for calm

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat said the "judgement has paved the way for theconstruction of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. The judgement is not a winor loss for anybody. We invite everybody, including Muslims, to helpbuild the temple." (Watch: Nobody's victory or loss, says RSS)

Bhagwat also said "joy and happiness over the verdict" should findexpression in a "controlled and peaceful manner" within the limits oflaw and constitution. "Uncalled for provocation must be avoided," headded, saying the movement for a Ram temple was "not a reactionary one,nor it is against any particular community."

Zafaryab Jilani, convenor of the All-India Babri Masjid Action Committee (AIBMAC), too said, "We hope peace and tranquillity will be maintained." Jilani said the "majority judgment is that mosque and temple must coexist."

The Congress welcomed the Ayodhya judgment saying everyone shouldaccept it and no one should treat it as a victory or defeat. "Congresshas held that the controversy should either be solved through talks orthe verdict of the court should be accepted. The court has given theverdict. We should all welcome the judgement," party general secretaryJanardhan Dwivedi told reporters. (Watch: Everyone should welcome Ayodhya judgement, says Congress)

Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi said, "I welcome the court'sdecision and appeal to all to maintain peace. We should all worktowards harmony. I am happy that the judgement now paves the way forbuilding a Ram temple in Ayodhya. This judgement will work as acatalyst for the country's unity." Modi's views were also echoed bysenior BJP leader Murli Manohar Joshi. (Watch: Narendra Modi on Ayodhya verdict)

CPM's Sitaram Yechury asked the people of India to maintain peace andnot fall prey to any provocation. "This judgement requires to be fullystudied. There may be questions on the nature of the verdict," the CPMPolitburo said in a statement.

UP Chief Minister Mayawati threw the ball in the Centre's court overthe implementation of the verdict and ensuring peace and harmony in thestate. She alleged that the Centre had not provided enough paramilitaryforces for security. (Watch: Upto the Centre to ensure compliance, says Mayawati)




Oldest plaintiff in Ayodhya case Hashim Ansari says he is disgusted with the politics


The statement of 93-year-old Hashim Ansari, who is pursuing the case since 1949, has come just ahead of the 22nd anniversary of the demolition of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya.

Piyush Srivastava
Lucknow, December 4, 2014 | UPDATED 10:47 IST
A +A -
Oldest plaintiff in Ayodhya case Hashim Ansari says he is disgusted with the politics
The oldest surviving plaintiff in the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid case has created a flutter by declaring that he wants to see Ram Lalla free from the clutches of the "contractors of religion". The statement of 93-year-old Hashim Ansari, who is pursuing the case since 1949, has come just ahead of the 22nd anniversary of the demolition of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya.
Exasperation

Kar Sevaks throng the dome of the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992, the day it was demolished.
"I have seen many ups and downs in the case. I was a poor man when I had taken the initiative in this issue when I was barely 30. I was against any conflict between the Hindus and the Muslims who had nothing to eat and were still fighting with each other for masjid and temple. I was always in favour of the status quo and wanted to protect the Babri Masjid. I also became a plaintiff in the case in 1949 because it was need of the time. But since then many people who were pursuing the case on the Muslim or the Hindu side have become millionaires by playing the hate game," Ansari said in Ayodhya on Wednesday.
He said he has realised over the years that there were people on both the sides who were not in favour of any solution. "It is their business now. They are flourishing because of the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid dispute. The Muslims must realise that Babri was demolished 22 years ago. We need to give our children and grandchildren an atmosphere where there is no Hindu-Muslim conflict on an issue which would have died its own death if the contractors of Hinduism and Islam had not played a game to keep dragging the country behind," Ansari said.
To 'liberate' Ram

Hashim Ansari
"Now I want Ram Lalla (newborn Lord Ram) to be liberated so that this dispute is settled forever. I had feared that soon after taking over as Prime Minister, Narendra Modi would do something autocratic for construction of the Ram temple. But he is acting as a mature leader. It was only on Tuesday that he forced minister Niranjan Jyoti to apologise for her hate speech. So now is the time for me to take initiative to let there be a Ram temple in Ayodhya," Ansari further said.
He also declared that he wouldn't observe "yaum-e-ghum" (mourning day) on Saturday, December 6. "I have been observing yaum-e-ghum since Babri was brought down. But now I believe that there is no point shedding tears on something which is hardly connected to the future of our children," he said.
He also said that there were many people in the Sunni Central Waqf Board, a party in the case, and the Babri Masjid Action Committee, which is pursuing the legal battle with Ansari as its plaintiff, would dislike him because of his statement.
"I am ready to withdraw myself from the case if they don't agree with me. But how can I dissociate myself with my 60 years which has been exhausted in this dispute?" he asked.

He also reminded that the judges who were associated with the case in the past had tried their best to keep the issue away from politics. Meanwhile, Zafaryab Jilani, convener of Babri Masjid Action Committee, who has been arguing the case in court said, "I don't think that there will be any problem if Ansari withdraws from the case. May be that he is unhappy on certain issues. But we will sit together and try to sort out the problems."
But Gyan Das, the head of All-India Akhara Parishad and Mahant of Ayodhya's Hanuman Garhi said, "Ansari is not only annoyed with the wrong set of people on the Muslim side but he is also disappointed with the leaders of Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP). I have discussed with him in details the possibility of an outof-court settlement. I have found that he is suspicious of VHP. He says that VHP men don't want a solution and they can ditch the nation any time."



Legal war continued but Ansari and Paramhans were friends off the field

TNN | Dec 7, 2016, 01.08 AM IST
Administration allowed Paramhans to travel with the stones in a huge procession but he was asked to hand over the stones to the officials ahead of the disputed boundary.
Like Paramhans, Hashim Ansari was among those arrested for breaching peace after idols of Lord Rama were put in the masjid.
In 1952, he was sentenced to two years jail by a Faizabad court for giving azaan (namaz call) from the disputed site. Ansari was the first to file the suit in the court of civil judge of Faizabad against the "illegal encroachment" of the masjid by the Hindu Mahasabha led by Ramchandra Paramhans.Ayodhya-born Ansari's father was a tailor who owned a shop in the Shringar Haat area. Ansari followed his father's traditional business till the Emergency—during which he spent a few months in Bareilly jail. He then shifted to repairing bicycles for a few years.
In 1961, along with six others, he became the main plaintiff in the 'Ayodhya title suit' filed by the Sunni Central Waqf Board in the court of Faizabad civil judge. He was the lone surviving litigant and considered the main and strong voice from the Muslim-end before he died on July 20, 2016. His son Iqbal Ansari has replaced him as plaintiff. Though the legal war of attrition between Ansari and Paramhans continued for more than four decades, off the battlefield they were the best of friends. Both Paramhans and Ansari had numerous discussions over a cup of tea whenever they got time.
Paramhans too had filed a court case staking a claim to the land in the name of the deity. He fought the case for years before withdrawing it in the early 1980s.
By that time, the issue had caught the imagination of a growing Hindu nationalist movement and in 1984, Hindus led by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad Party formed a committee to "liberate" the site from its Muslim occupants. That was the time VHP president Ashok Singhal hogged the limelight. Singhal, who was one of the key architects of the mass campaign that led to the razing of the Babri Masjid in 1992 died in Gurgoan on November 17, 2015 at the age of 89.
A passionate votary of Hindutva, Agra-born Singhal, son of a government official, joined the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 1942. He worked mainly in Uttar Pradesh, Delhi and Haryana before the RSS deputed him to one of its then lesser known affiliates, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), in 1980. Singhal became its working president in 1984, the year the VHP organised a "Dharam Sansad" (religious parliament) which sowed the seeds for the emotive campaign to destroy the 16th century Babri Masjid. Singhal led a massive crowd during the first assault on the Babri Masjid on October 30, 1990. The attempt was foiled by security forces.
Unrelenting, the Karsevaks led by VHP leaders razed the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992. Unlike many BJP leaders who distanced themselves from the act, Singhal remained proud of it to the extent that critics dubbed him India's Ayatollah Khomeini. Singhal, who had a bachelor's degree in metallurgical engineering from the Banaras Hindu University Institute of Technology was respected for his mastery over ancient Hindu scriptures.
He was unhappy over BJP leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee's refusal to embrace the Hindutva ideology after becoming prime minister and expressed joy when Narendra Modi became prime minister in 2014. On Tuesday, the 24th anniversary of the Babri Masjid demolition would be the second time without Singhal and first without the three key players.
The Ramjanmabhoomi Nyas is now chaired by Mahant Nritya Gyan Das.













Killing Kamlesh Tiwari justified: Maulana told prime accused

Killing Kamlesh Tiwari justified: Maulana told prime accused
The Maulana, also arrested in connection with the case, had allegedly told a prime accused that it was okay to kill Kamlesh Tiwari.
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Gopi Maniar
Ahmedabad
October 23, 2019UPDATED: October 23, 2019 21:05 IST
Killing Kamlesh Tiwari justified: Maulana told prime accused
The key accused had been planning Kamlesh Tiwari's murder since 2015 | File photo from IANS
AMaulana had purportedly told one of the two prime accused in the Kamlesh Tiwari murder case that the murder of the Hindu Samaj Party chief was justified. The Maulana, also arrested in connection with the case, had allegedly told a prime accused that it was okay to kill Kamlesh Tiwari. According to police, the accused killed Kamlesh Tiwari after he commented on Prophet Mohammed.

Maulana Mohsin Shaikh was arrested earlier in a joint operation by Gujarat Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) and Uttar Pradesh Police along with Faizan and Rashid Pathan from Surat, Gujarat in connection with the murder case.

Gujarat ATS on Tuesday nabbed prime accused in the case Ashfaq Hussain and Moinuddin Khurshid Pathan near Shamlaji at the Gujarat-Rajasthan border.

The key accused had been planning Kamlesh Tiwari's murder since 2015. For that, they had met Maulana.

According to Gujarat ATS chief Himanshu Shukla, Moinuddin Khurshid Pathan when arrested had bruised fingers. During his investigation, it was revealed that his fingers got bruised in the commotion while killing Kamlesh Tiwari.

Moinuddin Khurshid Pathan told the ATS that when Ashfaq Hussain took the knife out to slit Kamlesh Tiwari's throat, Hindu Samaj Party leader Kamlesh Tiwari shouted for help. Ashfaq Hussain tried to smother him and attacked him with the knife. Moinuddin Khurshid Pathan said that Ashfaq Hussain then took out a gun and fired. The bullet missed Kamlesh Tiwari and instead hurt Moinuddin Khurshid Pathan's fingers.

Apart from two prime accused and three additional suspects arrested by the Gujarat ATS, Maharashtra ATS also arrested Sayyed Asim Ali from Nagpur on Monday.

Kamlesh Tiwari murder twist: Mother blames BJP leader DH Web Desk, OCT 19 2019, 11:10AM IST UPDATED: OCT 19 2019, 11:33AM IST Hindu Mahasabha leader Kamlesh Tiwari. (Twitter/@MihirkJha) Like a bolt from the blue, the murder of Hindu Mahasabha le...

Read more at: https://www.deccanherald.com/national/north-and-central/kamlesh-tiwari-murder-twist-mother-blames-bjp-leader-769587.html

Monday, 21 October 2019

LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATERNITY: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE

LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATERNITY: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE
Valdemar W.Setzer

www.ime.usp.br/~vwsetzer
Original in Portuguese: 3/18/13; translated: 4/15/13; last revised: 4/26/13
(See also a translation to the Czech language, Svoboda, rovnost, bratrství: Minulost, současnost, budoucnost done by Katia Bondareva <katebondarevaed@gmail.com>)

The triad "liberty, equality, fraternity" became popular with the French Revolution. Robespierre proposed in 1790 that it should be written in National Guard uniforms and in all flags. In 1848 this motto was defined in the French constitution as constituting a principle of the republic; it appears in the constitutions of 1946 and 1958. It had several variations, such as "unity, strength, virtue" used in Masonic lodges, or "liberty, security, property," "liberty, unity, equality" etc. During the Nazi occupation it was replaced by "work, family, fatherland". But it is the form known today that became the French motto, adopted also in other countries, such as in the Constitution of India of 1950. The first article of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights contains the triad: "All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood."

Interestingly, these three ideals have become social movements throughout history. Before discussing this aspect concerning each ideal individually, it is important to characterize how they are understood in this text.

In terms of freedom, we should consider both the external and internal aspects of the human being. The external one has to do with giving freedom to people. In the Old Testament we already find the yearning for freedom in relation to a community, with the escape of the Jewish people from the slavery in Egypt (Exodus 1-12). Interestingly, they liberated themselves from the domination of the Pharaoh, but fell under the domination of Yahweh, a demanding and vengeful deity. This was necessary taking into account the human constitution of that period and as a preparation for what was to come later. They had to follow the commandments and other precepts, including the purity of race, otherwise they were rigorously punished.

More recently, the notion of universal freedom appears, e.g. in the U.S. Constitution. In its famous 1791 "First Amendment", established to ensure civil liberties, it provides for freedom of religion, speech, press and the right of assembly. The important thing is that with it anyone became free to express his/her ideas.

Another milestone of the movement for freedom was the abolition of slavery in the U.S, approved in 1863, setting free 4 million Africans. The "Lei Áurea" (Golden Law) that abolished slavery in Brazil was enacted in 1888. It was the last country in the Americas to completely put an end to slavery (the last country in the world was Mauritania in 1981).

Nowadays, the notion of external freedom is rooted in the culturally evolved humankind. For example, scientists cherish their freedom of research, that is, being free to investigate what each one finds most relevant. Teachers and professors, especially the latter, value the freedom of teaching, that is, organizing and teaching their classes as they see fit. Interestingly, the syllabi of university courses are generally fairly succinct, allowing for instructors to present the subjects in their own way, introducing other topics and improvising their courses according to each class.

Another kind of freedom is the inner freedom, the free will. Note that for a materialist or physicalist – a person who admits, ideally through working hypotheses and not by belief, that there are only material, physical processes in the universe and in humans –, free will cannot exist. The reasoning leading necessarily to this conclusion is fairly simple: an atomic particle cannot have free will, therefore neither can a cluster of them forming an atom, a cluster of atoms forming a molecule, a set of molecules forming a cell, a group of cells forming a tissue, a collection of tissues forming organs, and finally a collection of organs forming a living being or a human being.

However, expanding the physicalist conception of the universe and of the human being, there is no problem in admitting, again ideally, as a hypothesis rather than a belief, that there are non-physical phenomena and processes that influence the behavior of matter, that is, which cannot be reduced to purely physical phenomena. I have a theory of how this is possible without violating "laws" and physical conditions. Briefly, let's consider that living beings assume in every moment some material state and that there are certain transitions to other states in course of time. Suppose that there are non-deterministic transitions from a certain state A to states B, C etc. This means that if a living being is in state A, one cannot physically determine if the next transition will occur to state B, or to C, and so on. Suppose, furthermore, that the choice of which non-deterministic transition will be made at each point in time requires no energy. In this case, the choice can be made by a non-physical member of the living being. This partially explains the origin and maintenance of organic forms of living beings, with their fantastic symmetries, such as our hands and ears. If their growth, done by cell subdivision, were not be controlled externally to the physical body, during growth and tissue regeneration the symmetry would not be preserved to the degree that it is observed. Furthermore, which cells of a given tissue of a living being will subdivide in the next instant is also a non-deterministic process. In this case, the cells to be subdivided can be determined by a non-physical "member" of the non-physical constitution of a living being, imposing the organic form and eventually maintaining symmetry. Another example of a possible non-determinism is the fact that certain genes may produce, each one, the synthesis of several different amino acids that subsequently produce proteins. In choosing which amino acid must be synthesized from a gene, something non-physical can influence the development of the living being. Note that if a living being were totally subject to physical "laws" and conditions, it would necessarily have a crystalline or amorphous form, like the minerals, and not the typical organized, organic forms of species of living being. By the way, these typical forms allow us to externally recognize a plant or animal as belonging to their particular species. We recognize these shapes with our thinking, which suggests that in their origin they are also of the same nature as our thoughts.

Note that any inner process that modifies a living being is not subjected to a complete sequence of detectable physical causes and effects: investigating this sequence inevitably leads to a dead end. For example, the reader can mentally decide to perform a certain movement with one arm and then actually do it. Suppose that during the movement some muscle tissues of the arm are changed, some of them contracting and others expanding, due to chemical or electrical impulses received from some so-called "motor nerves". Great. But why did the motor nerves produce these impulses? Suppose that they, in turn, received impulses from a region R1 of the brain. Great. But why did this region R1 issue these impulses? Suppose it did because it received impulses from another region R2. Great. But why R2 issued these impulses, and so on? It is thus impossible to determine the primary cause of a conscious, previously imagined movement we make.

Following my conception of the world I will hypothetically assume the existence of free will in humans (but not in animals and plants). This hypothesis is based on my own experience of being able to determine a next thought, consciously choosing among several possible thoughts, without this choice being forced by preferences or remembrances. For example, I can mentally choose two numbers I have never seen or never thought about, and then choose one of them, "visualizing" it mentally for a few seconds, with closed eyes, as on a display of numbers for a queue, corresponding to numbers drawn by the people in the queue. Based on this hypothesis, external freedom should allow for inner freedom, that is, free will, to manifest itself. Note that it is possible to prevent the exercise of free will: just induce the person into a semi-conscious state like the one produced by excessive alcohol consumption, by psychotropic drugs, outbursts of anger or fear, sleep deprivation, brainwashing, stress, TV, and electronic games of the action/reaction or ego-shooter type (due the speed with which the player must react, because conscious thought is relatively slow).

Therefore, it is interesting to consider that external freedom is appreciated because it allows a person to exercise inner free will, that is, to think freely, therefore to plan and then perform actions or to speak. This occurs, for example, when one allows a person to have ideas (when one allows a person freedom to exercise her/his free will) and express them (outer freedom of action or of expression).

It is possible that this movement towards external freedom reflects the conquest of free will by humanity. That is, at a certain time in history people began to feel that they could have thinking freedom. By inner observation, they noticed they they could choose their next thought and focus on it. This can be experienced nowadays by anyone. By observing their freedom of thought with their own thinking, and the fact that they could carry out their previously planned actions in the world, people began to fight for outer freedom, that is, making it possible for them to externally execute those actions. No modern person should be content to follow commands, dogmas, laws and social rules without understanding their purpose and recognizing their validity. That is, they become suggestions and not impositions. For example, there is a law that prohibits crossing a red traffic light. If it is followed by fear of getting a fine or having the car hit by another vehicle, or by habit, one is not acting freely. But if one consciously recognizes that the law is valid because it protects other people from being injured and directs the traffic, it may be followed in freedom.

As already said, the movement for universal freedom is relatively old, because it apparently began at the end of the 18th century. Obviously, it has continued with increasing intensity until today.

We are currently in full development of another universal movement, the human rights. Human rights, which are expressed in laws and social rules of conduct, have to do with equality. Everyone should be equally treated before the laws concerning rights and duties. For example, if a law requires that one should not discriminate based on gender, religion, nationality, ethnicity or physical disabilities, it must be equitably applied.

It is interesting to note how equal opportunities are being given to physically disabled people to move around like people who do not have this deficiency. This is the fairly recent case of lowering sidewalks for wheelchair users, or installing mobile platforms on stairs where there are no elevators. Another manifestation of human rights is recognizing that sexual preferences are a strictly personal matters and nobody else has anything to do with it. If two people of the same sex decide to live together forever, they should have the same civil rights of two people of different sexes who have the same intention. The great social changes that are taking place in this area show another application of equal rights.

It is wonderful to witness, at present, the universal emergence and development of the consciousness for human rights. But what is the cause of this development? It seems to me that it is the insight that there is something "behind" every human being intimately connected to her/him, which I will call Higher Self, the essence of every person. It is a non-physical member (and therefore has no gender), and it is independent of religion, ethnicity and nationality. This higher self is different from what I call the lower self, which encompasses the physical body and tastes, instincts, memory, temperament etc. The higher self, like the lower self, is absolutely individual – this is why identical twins usually end up with completely different interests and lives, despite having the same DNA and eventually very similar education during childhood and youth. It is because of this higher self that we can get in touch with universal and eternal concepts, such as mathematical ones.

All higher selves, albeit different, are of the same nature, and constitute the very essence of every human being. Maybe it's the insight of it that has led to the universalism that is being strongly manifested in recent times. For example, in the European Union (EU) people have the right to live in any country, they are allowed to move freely from one country to another (a consequence of the Schengen Treaty of 1995). The universities allow students to take part of their courses at other universities in any EU country etc.

In the same way as with free will, people with a materialist or physicalist conception of the world and of the human being cannot admit the existence of a non-physical higher self. For such people, the human being consists only of the physical body, as it was inherited and then modified by the environment. But in this case there can be no equality - note that a transplant is rejected because every human body is physically unique. Rather, for someone who admits the existence of non-physical processes and members in humans, there should be no impediment to suppose, ideally by hypothesis and not by belief, the existence of this higher self, the divine member existing in every human. The recognition of this higher self should be the conscious reason for respecting others, that is, the origin of the impulse for equality.

As we have seen, the universal social movement for freedom is relatively old, that is, it began in the 18th century. Moreover, the social movement for equality, especially concerning rights, is occurring and developing in present times. Note that, as with everything that is human and social (because society and social relationships depend on individuals), there is no rigidity in these areas and no clear boundaries. Every human being is unpredictable. The biggest killer can regenerate himself and become socially important. Thus, although the movements for freedom and equal rights have respectively appeared and developed in the past and present, one can find its manifestations, still incipient, in very remote times. And what social impulse will appear and develop in the future?

It seems to me that the future holds the development of the third ideal of the French Revolution: fraternity, brotherhood. Let us first consider what it means.

Perhaps another denomination provides a better understanding of the meaning of brotherhood: solidarity. In social terms, it is not enough to allow a person to be free and have equal rights with others: it is necessary to help the person to develop her/himself.

We had in Brazil a sad example of what it means giving freedom without conditions and help to exercise it properly: the liberation of slaves threw them into the society without the slightest possibility of realizing themselves as individuals and even of surviving, because they were suddenly left without profession and without their master who, though often not treating them with dignity, at least provided them food and shelter.

Thus, fraternity, solidarity, mean helping those in need. There are many people and institutions that already do this. For example, I greatly admire the Kardecist spiritist movement, which is so popular in Brazil (attention, I'm not a spiritist), for its extensive social work, such as daycare centers, nursing homes, hospitals, help (in its particular way) for people with mental health problems etc. However, it seems to me that up to now there is no universal impulse of fraternity, as in the case of freedom and equal rights.

If a group of people violates the freedom of others or their equal rights, this is normally regarded as a return to the past, that is, behaving as mankind behaved in ancient times, such as in the Middle Ages. However, there is a long way before regarding someone who does not help others as not being a modern person. This shows that there is still no widespread sense of fraternity. In fact, the latter is very old - it seems to me that the great introducer of universal fraternity (that is, not within a family or community) was Christ, who helped indiscriminately all who came to him, even if it annoyed members of his religious community, which was heavily ethnic. Note that he did not want to introduce a new religion, because that would not be a universalist impulse. It seems to me that he wanted to renew Judaism making it universal, and not an ethnic religion as was the case. The great Buddha introduced the doctrine of compassion and love, and wanted to end suffering. According to him, birth, disease, old age, death and not getting what one wants is what leads to suffering. His solution was the mental development of each individual so that the person withdraws from earthly matters, and from all desires and impulses related to the physical world. That was not Christ’s message: according to him, suffering is part of our development, and we must overcome it by our actions here in the physical world, where we can choose to do good or evil, that is, where we can be free. Unfortunately, his message was totally distorted, and it continues to be so by many religions that claim to be Christian. We must not let these aberrations to dim his message and his example of life and, perhaps what is most important, the practice of selfless love, of altruism. A person who practices it should be considered as being a Christian, regardless of following a religion that does not consider itself Christian. Note that selfless love can only be exercised out of free will, that is, it should not be the result of an external imposition nor a habit or an inner pleasure of practicing it, because the pursuit of such pleasure would come from selfishness. Selfishness, egotism, is the opposite of selfless love. Selfless love comes from what I have very briefly characterized as the higher self, and selfishness from the lower self. Therefore, fraternity presupposes freedom and equality (recognition of the other as an equal, that is, also having a higher self).

Notice that the development of selfishness was a necessity for mankind. Without it, we would not have developed the perception of our own individuality, and therefore of self-consciousness. However, we are now at the stage of having to supplant it by selfless love.

As mentioned, the movements for freedom and equality appeared naturally, "automatically". As described above, the former appeared perhaps as a result of the emergence and development of free will which, to manifest itself, required external freedom. The latter arose from the intuitive perception of the higher self of the other. Will the movement for universal solidarity appear naturally due to an "automatic" development of humanity?

If we look at social evolution since the last century, we can see an exacerbated increase of selfishness and greed. The capitalist system itself is based on Adam Smith’s statement in his 1776 book The Wealth of Nations, that the satisfaction of selfishness and personal ambition would bring up an "invisible hand" that would distribute wealth and produce overall happiness. Unfortunately this "hand", which has indeed never been seen, must have never worked, because what we effectively see are growing economic inequalities and increasing social and individual misery – including the growing difficulty in social relationships, as well as addictions, not only to tobacco, alcohol and drugs, but also the most recent one, the Internet. International Journalist Jamil Chade, in his excellent 2009 book O mundo não é plano – a tragédia silenciosa de 1 bilhão de famintos [The world is not flat - the silent tragedy of 1 billion hungry people, in free translation] shows with realistic descriptions, including from his own experiences, the human tragedies caused by hunger and thirst. The most tragic aspect in this situation is that we produce or could produce enough food to feed the entire humanity. Only due ultimately to selfishness and greed of individuals, companies and governments, this inhuman situation is maintained. Food waste, inefficiency in production and consumption (e.g. eating meat is far less economically efficient than eating vegetables and dairy), improper industrialization (causing an impoverishment of food and the production of junk food, without nutritional value) are some of the factors that could be changed if there was a real spirit of brotherhood, that is, having the needs of people in mind, rather than pursuing exaggerated profit.

A symptom of the increased selfishness is also the fast growing competition. It turns out that any competition is inherently antisocial, because when one wins the other necessarily loses. The winner feels happy, accomplished and proud, and while the loser is at least frustrated. Therefore, the happiness of one person comes at the expense of unhappiness or frustration of another. The opposite of competition is cooperation, which is inherently social and fraternal.

The growing selfishness, greed and competition makes me doubt whether we will naturally develop a spirit of brotherhood, as we have developed the spirit of freedom and equality. It is very possible to consciously develop this spirit, through self-education of adults and education of children and youth. For example, it seems to me that competitive games should be totally banned from schools, replaced by cooperative games. In one class, students who are good at a subject should help their classmates who have difficulties. At the senior high school classes students should do an internship in an institution to help children, adults or old people with difficulties or disabilities. Helping others creates a sense of solidarity, and the taste for the exercise of brotherhood, just as the contact with suffering develops compassion.

By feeling compassion one can feel the responsibility to help others, and this is positive. However, it seems to me that the correct path is that one should cherish and contribute to the freedom and equality of others, and should perform fraternal actions. All this should be continually practiced out of a deep understanding of the human being. Unfortunately, this understanding cannot be obtained from a materialist, physicalist conception of the human being. If the latter is simply matter and is considered a mechanical-electrical machine, there is no harm in restricting its freedom (recall that this conception cannot admit the existence of free will), in not treating it as an equal (after all, we are all physically different), and in not helping it. Why could a material "thing" benefit from liberty, equality and fraternity? Only a psychotic person could think that s/he should handle a machine, e.g. her/his computer, with freedom, with equal rights and as something that needs help in a humane sense.

Therefore, to open the way towards a future with a feeling towards universal fraternity we must initially pass by the stage of supplanting what I consider the greatest evil of humanity today: a materialist, physicalist, conception of the universe and of the human being. The self-education referred to above should start with abandoning the prejudice that humans consist only of matter and physical processes. However, beware, I am not suggesting here that one should embrace spiritual or religious currents or sects that are based on feelings of satisfaction, promising physical or psychological comfort, happiness or, even worse, material gains. I am proposing that one should abandon the materialist conception out of a truly scientific spirit, without prejudices, in pursuit of understanding, using conceptual transmission of knowledge and doing conscious research. This approach already exists.

Does Savarkar deserve the Bharat Ratna?

Does Savarkar deserve the Bharat Ratna?

 | India Today Insight
The debate on Vir Savarkar flares up again as BJP pitches for Bharat Ratna for the revolutionary and Hindutva ideologue.
Uday Mahurkar
Uday Mahurkar 
New Delhi
October 17, 2019UPDATED: October 17, 2019 12:09 IST

BJP President Amit Shah Inaugurates 29th Savarkar Sahitya Sammelan In Mumbai. (Getty Images)
The Maharashtra BJP has promised in its 2019 election manifesto that it would urge the Centre to confer Bharat Ratna on the Hindutva ideologue if elected to power. It is obvious that the move couldn't have been planned without the blessings of the party's top brass. Prime Minister Narendra Modi counts Savarkar as one of his idols and Union home minister Amit Shah is an ardent follower of Savarkar. Shah even has an image of the revolutionary in his drawing room. At an election rally in Akola, Maharashtra, on October 16, Modi credited Savarkar's values as being the reason for the BJP's focus on nationalism. The party's national leadership, thus, is seriously considering the idea of bestowing India's highest civilian honour on Savarkar.

However, the Left wing and Muslim lobbies and political parties have stepped up their efforts to deny Savarkar this honour by reviving the three major charges that have been leveled against him since 2003. First and foremost being that Savarkar tendered apologies to the British rulers while imprisoned in the Cellular Jail in the Andaman and Nicobar islands between 1910 and 1920. Second, it was Savarkar and not Mohammed Ali Jinnah who was the progenitor of the two-nation theory that led to the birth of Pakistan and that Muslims and Christians would have been second class citizens in Savarkar's vision of the Hindu Rashtra. Finally, he was an accused in the murder of Gandhi and was let off only on a technicality.

The BJP, on its part, is convinced that all these charges are part of the wider and long-term plan of the Left and the pseudo-secular lobby to defame the Hindutva movement. They feel that based on Savarkar's true contributions, he deserves the Bharat Ratna especially when persons of much lesser note have received it in the past, including the entire Nehru-Gandhi family-Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. "A Bharat Ratna would be an apt recognition of Savarkar's contribution to India as a freedom fighter, social reformer and political visionary," says BJP vice-president Vinay Sahasrabuddhe.

There is merit in the BJP's move based on hard evidence. Just as Chhattrapati Shivaji fled from the custody of Emperor Aurangzeb in 1666 and changed the course of Indian history, Savarkar, too, had tried to flee British custody soon after being sentenced to 50 years in jail for sedition by a London Court in 1910. While on his way to begin his prison term, he jumped off a British steamer and into the sea on the French coast in a bid to escape, but was rearrested.

The second charge is equally untrue. Disgusted with the Muslim leadership's demands for special rights at the cost of Hindus' rights in the 1930s, he had once said "it appears that two nations exist within one nation in the form of Hindus and Muslims", but he never called for the division of India. On the contrary, he fought to prevent India's partition by the Muslim League. He, in fact, repeatedly warned the Congress between 1937 and 1940 that its Muslim appeasement policies would prove disastrous for the nation as they were being used by the Muslim League to demand more and more concessions for the religious community. Savarkar was, eventually, proved correct.

That Muslims and Christians would have been second class citizens in Savarkar's Hindu Rashtra is also a false narrative according to Savarkar's Hindu Rashtra manifesto, mentioned in Padma Bhushan-winning author Dhananjay Keer's biography of Savarkar titled Veer Savarkar. In this manifesto, Savarkar says every caste and every religion will be treated equally in Hindu Rashtra. He goes a step further and says the government will protect the religious minorities if any one tries to hinder their religious prayers. However, he warns that Hindu Rashtra won't allow a nation within a nation in the name of religious minoritism. In fact, Savarkar's far-sightedness is proved by the fact that minority appeasement has been one of the biggest causes of social conflict in Independent India.

That Savarkar was an accused in the Gandhi's murder is a fact, but it is also true that he was accused at the behest of Jawaharlal Nehru and was let off due to lack of evidence against him. That the Nehru Government didn't appeal in the higher court against Savarkar is further evidence that the case against him was weak. Significantly, after Gandhi's assassination, Savarkar issued a strong statement condemning it: "Mahatma Gandhi's assassination is too shockingI condemn unequivocally such fratricidal crimes whether perpetuated by an individual or by mob frenzy. I appeal to the people to stand by the Central Government of free India and maintain order".

Many leaders of the opposition have alleged that the BJP's move is driven by political consideration, but the award will hardly lead to any additional votes for the BJP. In fact, according to the party, the resolution is driven more by an emotional feeling of reverence for Savarkar. He is seen by the BJP as victim of false propaganda despite his great contribution in diverse areas which have been ignored, like the total lack of knowledge in India of the movement against untouchability that he led in Ratnagiri district between 1924 and 1937. It was one of the most powerful social reform movements in Indian history. During this movement, Savarkar built Patit Pavan Mandir, a Hindu temple in the district and the first ever to allow entry to all Hindus, including Dalits. VR Shinde, a social reformer from Maharashtra, had once said: "Unouchability would have been removed from a large part of the country had Savarkar not joined politics in 1937 and continued with his social reform movement and expanded it."


Congress insulted Savarkar, delayed Bharat Ratna to Ambedkar: PM Modi

Savarkar faced criminal charges: Congress, Owaisi attack BJP's Bharat Ratna push
BJP on Tuesday said that it will push for a Bharat Ratna for Veer Savarkar. Congress and Asaduddin Owaisi have now launched an attack on BJP over the demand.
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India Today Web Desk
New Delhi
October 15, 2019UPDATED: October 15, 2019 20:18 IST
Manish Tewari 
BJP has said it will push for Bharat Ratna for Veer Savarkar.
HIGHLIGHTS
BJP has promised to push for the Bharat Ratna for Veer Savarkar
Congress has slammed BJP saying Savarkar had criminal charges in his name
Owaisi also attacked BJP and said Savarkar looked up to Hitler and was against Muslims
As BJP released its manifesto for the Maharashtra assembly elections and said the party will push for a Bharat Ratna for Veer Savarkar, Congress launched a scathing attack on the ruling party. AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi also joined the attack.

Addressing a press conference, Congress leader Manish Tewari said, "Savarkar had to face criminal trial for the murder of Mahatma Gandhi. Kapoor Commission also investigated the charges. In a recent article it was claimed that the Commission had indicted Sarvarkar. God save this country."

Tewari further added, "In this country Gandhi is made to commit suicide anything is possible."


Asaduddin Owaisi

@asadowaisi
 · Oct 15, 2019
Some gyaan about this Anmol Ratan:
1 Implicated by Jeevan Lal Commission of Inquiry on Gandhi’s assassination
2 Advocated the use of rape as a political tool
3 Criticised Shivaji for not using rape as a political tool
4 Called himself  the British’s “most obedient servant” https://twitter.com/timesofindia/status/1184016687068172288 …

Times of India

@timesofindia
Maharashtra polls: BJP promises 5 crore jobs in 5 years, demands Bharat Ratna for Savarkar 

Read: http://toi.in/T0o4FZ/a24gk  #MaharashtraAssemblyPolls #BharatRatna

View image on Twitter

Asaduddin Owaisi

@asadowaisi
5 Wrote SIX letters to British requesting release from prison
6 Looked up to Hitler & blamed Jews for the Holocaust
7 Muslims & other non-Hindus are to be kept outside the national fabric
8 Supported the 2 nation theory

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The BJP on Tuesday released its manifesto for the upcoming Maharashtra polls, promising a $1 trillion economy for the state with the creation of five crore jobs in next five years and houses for all by 2022.

In the 'Sankalpapatra' BJP said it will push for Bharat Ratna for VD Savarkar, Jyoti Rao Phule and Savitribai Phule.

AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi also took to Twitter to mock BJP's decision to demand Bharat Ratna for Veer Savarkar. He said, "Some gyaan about this Anmol Ratan: 1 Implicated by Jeevan Lal Commission of Inquiry on Gandhi’s assassination, 2 Advocated the use of rape as a political tool, 3 Criticised Shivaji for not using rape as a political tool, 4 Called himself the British’s most obedient servant.

Sunday, 20 October 2019

Foes who were friends - Ayodhya remembers two Babri litigants


Foes who were friends - Ayodhya remembers two Babri litigants

THE ASIAN AGE. | AMITA VERMA Published : Dec 7, 2017, 2:30 am IST Updated : Dec 7, 2017, 2:36 am IST


Today, things have changed and the litigants arrive in a ring of security and the bonhomie is missing.

Mahant Ramchandra Paramhans, the chief trustee of the Ram Janambhoomi Nyas, died in 2003 while Hashim Ansari, the oldest litigant in the case, died in 2016.

 Mahant Ramchandra Paramhans, the chief trustee of the Ram Janambhoomi Nyas, died in 2003 while Hashim Ansari, the oldest litigant in the case, died in 2016.

Ayodhya: Even as the entire country debates on the Ram temple and the case in Supreme Court, Ayodhya, on the 25th anniversary of the Babri demolition, remembers the duo who were enemies in court and friends outside it.

The two litigants in the Babri case — Hashim Ansari and Mahant Ramchandra Paramhans — bitterly fought the case in court, but the moment they stepped out, they became thick friends.

Mahant Ramchandra Paramhans, the chief trustee of the Ram Janambhoomi Nyas, died in 2003 while Hashim Ansari, the oldest litigant in the case, died in 2016.

“They would travel together in a rickshaw to the court. Their counsels would bitterly contest the case and after the hearing, they would both return together in one rickshaw. Everyone used to be astounded by this unique relationship. They lived as friends and Hashim Ansari wept bitterly when Mahant Paramhans died in 2003,” says mahant Dharam Das who has succeeded him in the Nyas.

Today, things have changed and the litigants arrive in a ring of security and the bonhomie is missing.

Ansari was among those arrested in 1949 when the idols allegedly emerged in the mosque. He was the main plaintiff when the Sunni Waqf Board filed the Ayodhya title suit in 1961. He repaired cycles for a living.

Paramhans, one of the pioneers of the Ayodhya movement, had filed a petition in Faizabad court in March 1950 seeking the right to protect the idol.

Vivek Kumar Srivastava, a senior lawyer in Faizabad court, recalls, “My father, also a lawyer, used to cite the example of these two when it came to friendship. He used to tell us that Ansari and Paramhans would even share a cup of tea in the court premises if the hearing was delayed. Other people in the court premises used to be shocked to see their camaraderie — more so, because of the case they were contesting”.

After the court hearing, they would come to Dant Dhawan Kund and chat while playing cards.

Senior citizens in Ayodhya say that their friendship lasted over six decades. “There was never any bitterness between the two even when there were riots on communal lines in the country on the Ayodhya issue. Both used to criticise the violence and continue to chat with each other. Hashim Ansari was provided security after the Babri demolition when he was attacked by Hindus but he did not like the fact that four policemen sat outside his tiny house all the time,” says Mahendra Nath, a retired government employee who used to visit Ansari to get his cycle repaired.

His associates say that Hashim “despised” the VHP and RSS and other political outfits for “politicising the Ram temple issue”.

“He would even tell Mahant Ramchandra Paramhans about his views on this but the Mahant never snubbed him, He would listen to him patiently and offer him tea after the outburst,” says Raju , a worker in the Digambar Akhara.“On the 25th anniversary of the demolition, we recall the relationship that these two men shared. When the Mahant died, Hashim wept bitterly at the loss of a friend and remained by his side till the last rites were performed. The tears were genuine – just like their friendship. I am sure the two must have come together in the skies above,” says Acharya Pradeep Tiwari, a local priest.



AYODHYA- Welcome stay

VENKITESH   RAMAKRISHNANin New Delhi

The Supreme Court order staying the Allahabad High Court verdict opens up all possibilities in the Ayodhya title suit. (PTI )

Mohammed Hashim Ansari (right), the main plaintiff in the case on behalf of the Sunni Central Waqf Board, with Nirmohi Akhara president Mahant Bhaskar Dasin Faizabad after the Allahabad High Court judgment in 2010. Both are against a division of the disputed land. RIGHT from the day it was delivered on September 30, 2010, the Allahabad HighCourt   judgment   recommending   trifurcation   of   the   disputed   Babri   Masjid-RamJanmabhoomi site in Ayodhya evoked widespread criticism over its violations andlimitations in terms of established judicial practices. The Supreme Court in its order ofMay 9, 2011, which stayed the High Court verdict, upheld, in a sense, the spirit of thiscriticism.The apex court observed that the three-way division in the High Court judgment was“strange” and “surprising”. The two-member Bench of Justices Aftab Alam and R.M.Lodha stated thus: “A new dimension was given by the High Court as the decree ofpartition was not sought by the parties. It was not prayed by anyone. It has to bestayed. It's a strange order. How can a decree of partition be passed when none ofthe parties had prayed for it? Court has done something on its own. It's strange. Suchkind of decrees cannot be allowed to be in operation.”In  the  wake  of  the  High  Court  judgment,  it  was  pointed  out  in   both   judicial  andpolitical   forums   that   the   tools   of   jurisprudence   employed   by   the   three   judges   informulating the verdict marked a significant departure from usual judicial practice.Central to this criticism was the judges' use of faith and belief as key components inthe arguments they advanced.Several legal experts pointed out that issues relating to faith and belief were broughtin in such a large measure by Justices Dharam Veer Sharma, Sudhir Agarwal andSibghat Ullah Khan in their individual judgments that they almost seemed to overlook

the fundamental fact that the case under jurisdiction related to a title suit in a propertydispute.The   Supreme   Court   stay   order  has not   gone   into   an   analysis   of   this   perceivedtransgression of normal judicial practice, but several parties to the dispute and closeobservers of  the Ayodhya case say this will happen anyway in the course of thehearing on the appeals that have come up before the apex court.Talking   to   Frontline,   Anupam   Gupta,   former   counsel   of   the   Justice   LiberhanCommission, which was set up to bring out the truth behind the demolition of theBabri Masjid in December 1992, said the Supreme Court stay order would enable are-examination of all the premises and postulates of the Allahabad High Court orderwhen the case progressed to the final hearing stage. He said:“The use of the words ‘strange' and ‘surprising' is significant. The Supreme Courtcould have just stated that all parties involved in the dispute – the Sunni Central WaqfBoard, which claimed to have had possession of the disputed structure and the landaround it since the 16th century, the Nirmohi Akhara, which has staked its claim tothe property since 1885 and ran a place of worship on the premises, and Lord RamLalla (infant Ram), represented by his Sakha (close friend) Triloki Nath Pandey – areagainst trifurcation and hence the verdict is stayed. But the Bench chose to observethat the Allahabad High Court verdict was strange and surprising.“Undoubtedly, this observation has significance beyond its immediate context andshould  serve   as   a   reminder   to   civil   society   in   general  and  in   particular  to   thosesections   that   had   persuaded   it   to   believe   that   trifurcation   was   the   best   possiblepragmatic solution to the Ayodhya dispute. These sections had argued that the long-standing problem had caused social and political fatigue in the population and thatone should look for easy and practical justice. The Supreme Court stay underscoresone important aspect that these sections of civil society chose to overlook: that nosolution  that   does   not   stand   up   to   proper  judicial   principles  and   scrutiny   can   beacceptable to a nation and its people.”While Gupta did not name the sections of civil society, it is widely known that the twobig mainstream political parties, the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP),had welcomed the trifurcation recommendation as a possible basis for a negotiatedsettlement of the Ayodhya dispute. The Supreme Court order has virtually quashedthis

expectation.NAND   KUMAR/PTI




 ZAFARYAB JILANI, SENIOR counsel of the Sunni Central Waqf Board.Interestingly,   the   BJP   welcomed   the   Supreme   Court   stay   too.   The   Congressmaintained that the party, as a matter of principle, did not comment on judicial issuesthat were under process. Other secular political forces, including the Left parties, ledby the Communist Party of India (Marxist), and the Samajwadi Party (S.P.), havewelcomed the Supreme Court order as a step in the right direction.In   Ayodhya   itself,   the   parties   to   the   dispute   welcomed   the   apex   court   order.Mohammed  Hashim Ansari, the  main  plaintiff  in the  case on  behalf  of   the  SunniCentral Waqf Board, told Frontline that none of the parties involved in the disputewanted a division of the property. “The apex court order should serve as a lesson forall those involved in cheap politics over the issue,” Ansari said.Mahant   Bhaskar   Das   of   the   Nirmohi  Akhara   echoed  Ansari's   view.   He   said   hisorganisation   was   against   the   division   of   the   disputed   land   and   added   that   theSupreme Court had justified the akhara's stand.The  third   party,  Triloki   Nath   Pandey,   representing  Ram   Lalla,  also  welcomed   thedecision because he and all the devotees of Ram believe that all of Ayodhya is theproperty of the deity and it cannot be apportioned to other organisations or faiths. TheVishwa   Hindu   Parishad   (VHP),   the   sword   arm   of   the   Rashtriya   SwayamsewakSangh-led Sangh Parivar and the strongest political associate of the third party, alsowelcomed the stay and advanced arguments similar to those of Pandey.Talking to Frontline from Lucknow, Zafaryab Jilani, main lawyer of the Sunni CentralWakf Board and a leader of the Babri Masjid Action Committee (BMAC), said theSupreme Court stay did indicate that the earlier sanctioned decree of the AllahabadHigh Court was not sound in law. “The order has once again opened up the Ayodhyacase for all possibilities and, of course, a long judicial process,” he said.Jilani and other legal experts associated with the three parties to the dispute were ofthe view that legal procedures in the Supreme Court would at least take another twoyears.However,  representatives  of   all  the  parties   told   Frontline  that  they   were   open   to

negotiations under a competent political authority, which could lead to an amicablesettlement. In fact, Mohammed Hashim Ansari had joined hands with Mahant GyanDas of the Hanuman Garhi temple in Ayodhya to initiate steps in this direction. But sofar the move has failed to gather momentum.Given   the   chequered   history   of   the   dispute   and   the   efforts   for   a   negotiatedsettlement, no political organisation has the credibility to take the lead in such anexercise.B L O G S   /  PRARTHNA GAHILOTEHashim Ansari -- A Long WaitAt 90, Hashim Ansari seems to be the voice of wisdom. "Masjid se pehley hummeyMulk dekhna hai (we have to look at the nation before the Mosque), he says. Manywould   call   it   ironic.   Others   may   even   term   it   pretence.   Considering   MohammadHashim Ansari is the lone surviving petitioner in the Ayodhya title suit case -- filing acase in the court in 1961 for the restoration of the Babri Mosque. But for Ansari, it isneither. Ansari is unfazed. Even irritated, with the constant probing from the stream ofjournalists, visiting him the past few weeks."Phir aa gaye, (they have come again), is how Ansari greets us. He’s seen the entiremedia circus in Ayodhya in the last one decade, often even finding himself in thecentre of it all. But says he dreads that it is starting all over again.Just up from his afternoon siesta in his mostly bare house in Punji Tola, Ansari wantsto talk about everything else except the Friday verdict. "Jo hoga, dekha jayega. Courttaiy karega. Hum maneingey (we will see what happens. The Court will decide andwe will abide by it). Ask him what he expects and he just smiles. No answers for now.Instead, he wants to talk about old friends and camaraderie from the past. "Parsomain Gyan Das se milney gaya tha. Bahut der baithey. Baat ki  (I went to meet GyanDas the day before. We sat together for a long time. Chatted).The mention of a meeting with Gyan Das may surprise one. At least now, with thejudgement, just days away. Gyan Das after all is the president of the Akhara Parishadand also the mahant of the famous Hanumangarhi temple in Ayodhya. Many mayeven  think, perhaps  the meeting  between Ansari and  Gyan Das was a last ditchattempt to  find a solution. A formula, to settle the dispute and  the ongoing battlebetween   the   two   communities.   Not   for   Ansari.   He   is   far   removed   from   theseconspiracy theories. Gyan Das is still a friend, he says. "The court case is a separateissue all together. We don’t let it come between us."There   is   a   certain   amount   of  passion  in  Ansari’s   voice   when  he   says   that.  Youwouldn’t doubt it for a minute. It’s also something that makes Ansari visibly happy andopen up. Almost as if shoving the court case aside, Ansari is eager to recount olddays. "There was never any bitterness. We were all friends when the case began andwe have remained friends through it," is how Ansari describes his relationship withthe other petitioners. Local residents who knew Ansari back then are full of stories.The most popular being, how Ansari and Ramchandra Paramahans Das, keeper of

the Digambar Akhara and also a petitioner in another suit filed in 1961 were regularcard players. Every evening Ansari would cycle to Paramhans’s place and then wouldbegin endless rounds of card playing.Ansari himself recalls, "Paramhans and I used to go the court together. I would cycleto court and Paramhans would ride pillion.  I remember there was once when hedidn’t  have  documents  to  present   in   the   court.  I  gave   him   my copy.   On   anotheroccasion, he stood witness for me in one of the hearings. We were also together injail once." He adds, "Koi maahol nahi bigda tab (the atmosphere didn’t get ruinedthen) But that was then.Today, four layers of barricading separates Ansari’s house from the disputed site, justacross the road, making it absolutely inaccessible for the likes of him. Looking at thebarricades from his door, Ansari recalls the last time he went to the Babri mosque todo   namaz.   "Isha   ki   namaz   thi.   Masjid   gaye   the   namaz   adaa   karney.   Sab   kuchshaaant tha. Shehar mein koi gadbad nahi thi ( we had gone to the mosque to do thenamaz. The town was quiet. There was no sense of danger)." This was December,1949. Ansari along with other Muslims came back from the Mosque as usual. Late inthe night, he recalls, "Ram Dev Dubey who was the kotwal went to his neighbourZahir Abbas’s house. Dubey told Abbas that he sensed trouble. Together the twolocked the gates of the mosque for safety sake. Lot later Abhay Ram Das, a localsadhu jumped the walls of the mosque and kept an idol of Ram lalaa there."Ansari adds, "I filed a case in the court 12 years after all this happened. It was a localissue. The politicians jumped in much later. They changed the face of the dispute. Ifwe knew that politicians would milk our mosque for their own gains, we would havedone things differently." The politicians keep coming back to Ayodhya. Ansari callsthem fish and describes Ayodhya as their favourite pond. "How will the fish stay outof the pond?" he laughs.Outside Ansari’s house the town is quietly going about its business. PAC jawans dotthe bylanes. Many of them posted in Ayodhya, for over a month now, to maintain lawand order. Ansari seems to be untouched by the tension building in Ayodhya. Hecares little about the security forces pouring into the town, taking positions behind themany pickets that have now been put up. Even less, about the rumours regarding thejudgement. The September 17 surprise attempt  of an `out-of-court-settlement’  didlittle for Ansari.  "If it had to  be decided out of court through mutual consent anddiscussion, we would have done it long back," he says, dismissing the attempt as agimmick.As the PAC keeps vigil from their pickets, Kuldip Singh, a jawan says, "it’s as quiethere as it has been for the last one month since we arrived. But things can be verydifferent after the verdict. Our job is to keep a watch. We are doing that."  Keeping a watch, is also what Ansari is doing. "I am waiting for the 24th and I wantthis  to   finish.  This  has  been   dragging  on  for   too   long.  Before   1947,  Hindus   andMuslims   were   called   brothers.   I  want   Hindus  and   Muslims  to   be   called  brothersagain. The 24thverdict should be the final word on the dispute," he says.I ask Ansari if he will go to the Supreme Court in case the verdict is against theMuslims and he shoots, "I will not. Let the politicians play more politics over it and goto the Supreme Court. I have lived with this for 49 years. I want it to be over." Ansari’s

fatigue is perhaps best reflected in the board outside his house. A faded shade ofgreen with the writing almost illegible, it says, `Mohmmad Hashim Ansari, Petitionersuit number 4/89’ The sides of the metal board are visibly rusted and the frame it wasmounted on, long gone.
ZAFARYAB JILANI, SENIOR counsel of the Sunni Central Waqf Board.Interestingly,   the   BJP   welcomed   the   Supreme   Court   stay   too.   The   Congressmaintained that the party, as a matter of principle, did not comment on judicial issuesthat were under process. Other secular political forces, including the Left parties, ledby the Communist Party of India (Marxist), and the Samajwadi Party (S.P.), havewelcomed the Supreme Court order as a step in the right direction.In   Ayodhya   itself,   the   parties   to   the   dispute   welcomed   the   apex   court   order.Mohammed  Hashim Ansari, the  main  plaintiff  in the  case on  behalf  of   the  SunniCentral Waqf Board, told Frontline that none of the parties involved in the disputewanted a division of the property. “The apex court order should serve as a lesson forall those involved in cheap politics over the issue,” Ansari said.Mahant   Bhaskar   Das   of   the   Nirmohi  Akhara   echoed  Ansari's   view.   He   said   hisorganisation   was   against   the   division   of   the   disputed   land   and   added   that   theSupreme Court had justified the akhara's stand.The  third   party,  Triloki   Nath   Pandey,   representing  Ram   Lalla,  also  welcomed   thedecision because he and all the devotees of Ram believe that all of Ayodhya is theproperty of the deity and it cannot be apportioned to other organisations or faiths. TheVishwa   Hindu   Parishad   (VHP),   the   sword   arm   of   the   Rashtriya   SwayamsewakSangh-led Sangh Parivar and the strongest political associate of the third party, alsowelcomed the stay and advanced arguments similar to those of Pandey.Talking to Frontline from Lucknow, Zafaryab Jilani, main lawyer of the Sunni CentralWakf Board and a leader of the Babri Masjid Action Committee (BMAC), said theSupreme Court stay did indicate that the earlier sanctioned decree of the AllahabadHigh Court was not sound in law. “The order has once again opened up the Ayodhyacase for all possibilities and, of course, a long judicial process,” he said.Jilani and other legal experts associated with the three parties to the dispute were ofthe view that legal procedures in the Supreme Court would at least take another twoyears.However,  representatives  of   all  the  parties   told   Frontline  that  they   were   open   to












negotiations under a competent political authority, which could lead to an amicablesettlement. In fact, Mohammed Hashim Ansari had joined hands with Mahant GyanDas of the Hanuman Garhi temple in Ayodhya to initiate steps in this direction. But sofar the move has failed to gather momentum.Given   the   chequered   history   of   the   dispute   and   the   efforts   for   a   negotiatedsettlement, no political organisation has the credibility to take the lead in such anexercise.B L O G S   /  PRARTHNA GAHILOTEHashim Ansari -- A Long WaitAt 90, Hashim Ansari seems to be the voice of wisdom. "Masjid se pehley hummeyMulk dekhna hai (we have to look at the nation before the Mosque), he says. Manywould   call   it   ironic.   Others   may   even   term   it   pretence.   Considering   MohammadHashim Ansari is the lone surviving petitioner in the Ayodhya title suit case -- filing acase in the court in 1961 for the restoration of the Babri Mosque. But for Ansari, it isneither. Ansari is unfazed. Even irritated, with the constant probing from the stream ofjournalists, visiting him the past few weeks."Phir aa gaye, (they have come again), is how Ansari greets us. He’s seen the entiremedia circus in Ayodhya in the last one decade, often even finding himself in thecentre of it all. But says he dreads that it is starting all over again.Just up from his afternoon siesta in his mostly bare house in Punji Tola, Ansari wantsto talk about everything else except the Friday verdict. "Jo hoga, dekha jayega. Courttaiy karega. Hum maneingey (we will see what happens. The Court will decide andwe will abide by it). Ask him what he expects and he just smiles. No answers for now.Instead, he wants to talk about old friends and camaraderie from the past. "Parsomain Gyan Das se milney gaya tha. Bahut der baithey. Baat ki  (I went to meet GyanDas the day before. We sat together for a long time. Chatted).The mention of a meeting with Gyan Das may surprise one. At least now, with thejudgement, just days away. Gyan Das after all is the president of the Akhara Parishadand also the mahant of the famous Hanumangarhi temple in Ayodhya. Many mayeven  think, perhaps  the meeting  between Ansari and  Gyan Das was a last ditchattempt to  find a solution. A formula, to settle the dispute and  the ongoing battlebetween   the   two   communities.   Not   for   Ansari.   He   is   far   removed   from   theseconspiracy theories. Gyan Das is still a friend, he says. "The court case is a separateissue all together. We don’t let it come between us."There   is   a   certain   amount   of  passion  in  Ansari’s   voice   when  he   says   that.  Youwouldn’t doubt it for a minute. It’s also something that makes Ansari visibly happy andopen up. Almost as if shoving the court case aside, Ansari is eager to recount olddays. "There was never any bitterness. We were all friends when the case began andwe have remained friends through it," is how Ansari describes his relationship withthe other petitioners. Local residents who knew Ansari back then are full of stories.The most popular being, how Ansari and Ramchandra Paramahans Das, keeper of

the Digambar Akhara and also a petitioner in another suit filed in 1961 were regularcard players. Every evening Ansari would cycle to Paramhans’s place and then wouldbegin endless rounds of card playing.Ansari himself recalls, "Paramhans and I used to go the court together. I would cycleto court and Paramhans would ride pillion.  I remember there was once when hedidn’t  have  documents  to  present   in   the   court.  I  gave   him   my copy.   On   anotheroccasion, he stood witness for me in one of the hearings. We were also together injail once." He adds, "Koi maahol nahi bigda tab (the atmosphere didn’t get ruinedthen) But that was then.Today, four layers of barricading separates Ansari’s house from the disputed site, justacross the road, making it absolutely inaccessible for the likes of him. Looking at thebarricades from his door, Ansari recalls the last time he went to the Babri mosque todo   namaz.   "Isha   ki   namaz   thi.   Masjid   gaye   the   namaz   adaa   karney.   Sab   kuchshaaant tha. Shehar mein koi gadbad nahi thi ( we had gone to the mosque to do thenamaz. The town was quiet. There was no sense of danger)." This was December,1949. Ansari along with other Muslims came back from the Mosque as usual. Late inthe night, he recalls, "Ram Dev Dubey who was the kotwal went to his neighbourZahir Abbas’s house. Dubey told Abbas that he sensed trouble. Together the twolocked the gates of the mosque for safety sake. Lot later Abhay Ram Das, a localsadhu jumped the walls of the mosque and kept an idol of Ram lalaa there."Ansari adds, "I filed a case in the court 12 years after all this happened. It was a localissue. The politicians jumped in much later. They changed the face of the dispute. Ifwe knew that politicians would milk our mosque for their own gains, we would havedone things differently." The politicians keep coming back to Ayodhya. Ansari callsthem fish and describes Ayodhya as their favourite pond. "How will the fish stay outof the pond?" he laughs.Outside Ansari’s house the town is quietly going about its business. PAC jawans dotthe bylanes. Many of them posted in Ayodhya, for over a month now, to maintain lawand order. Ansari seems to be untouched by the tension building in Ayodhya. Hecares little about the security forces pouring into the town, taking positions behind themany pickets that have now been put up. Even less, about the rumours regarding thejudgement. The September 17 surprise attempt  of an `out-of-court-settlement’  didlittle for Ansari.  "If it had to  be decided out of court through mutual consent anddiscussion, we would have done it long back," he says, dismissing the attempt as agimmick.As the PAC keeps vigil from their pickets, Kuldip Singh, a jawan says, "it’s as quiethere as it has been for the last one month since we arrived. But things can be verydifferent after the verdict. Our job is to keep a watch. We are doing that."  Keeping a watch, is also what Ansari is doing. "I am waiting for the 24th and I wantthis  to   finish.  This  has  been   dragging  on  for   too   long.  Before   1947,  Hindus   andMuslims   were   called   brothers.   I  want   Hindus  and   Muslims  to   be   called  brothersagain. The 24thverdict should be the final word on the dispute," he says.I ask Ansari if he will go to the Supreme Court in case the verdict is against theMuslims and he shoots, "I will not. Let the politicians play more politics over it and goto the Supreme Court. I have lived with this for 49 years. I want it to be over." Ansari’s

fatigue is perhaps best reflected in the board outside his house. A faded shade ofgreen with the writing almost illegible, it says, `Mohmmad Hashim Ansari, Petitionersuit number 4/89’ The sides of the metal board are visibly rusted and the frame it wasmounted on, long gone.