Bhavishya Ka Bharat- 15 Big Statements By Mohan Bhagwat

 Bhavishya Ka Bharat- 15 Big Statements By Mohan Bhagwat 

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20-Sep-2018 — दिल्ली में आयोजित 'भविष्य का भारत' के दौरान संघ ने और इसके प्रमुख मोहन भागवत ...

RSS प्रमुख भागवत ने गोलवलकर की बातों से बनाई दूरी, बताया कैसा होगा 'भविष्य का भारत'- पढ़ें, 15 बड़ी बातें

'भविष्य का भारत' कार्यक्रम के दौरान संघ प्रमुख मोहन भागवत ने कई बड़े बयान दिए. गोलवलकर की बंच ऑफ थॉट्स से दूरी पर दिए गए बयान ने आरएसएस की छवि को लेकर एक नई बहस छेड़ दी है.

By: एबीपी न्यूज़ | Updated : 20 Sep 2018 11:41 AM (IST)

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Bhavishya Ka Bharat- 15 big statements by the RSS

नई दिल्ली: दिल्ली में आयोजित 'भविष्य का भारत' कार्यक्रम के दौरान संघ और इसके प्रमुख मोहन भागवत ने कई सवालों के जवाब और बड़े बयान दिए. तीन दिनों के इस कार्यक्रम के दौरान पहली बार संघ ने ऐसी कई बातें कहीं जो इस संगठन की छवि के साथ मेल नहीं खातीं. इनमें कांग्रेस की तारीफ, हिंदू राष्ट्र में मुसलमानों के होनी बात, समलैंगिकों को लेकर सोच बदलने की वकालत और गोलवलकर की बंच ऑफ थॉट्स से दूरी पर दिए गए बयानों ने आरएसएस की छवि को लेकर एक नई बहस छेड़ दी है. नीचे आप पढ़ सकते हैं वो प्रमुख बातें जो दिन दिनों के इस कार्यक्रम में कही गई हैं.

जहां राम की जन्मभूमि थी, जहां उनका जन्म हुआ वहां उनका मंदिर होना चाहिये. यदि यह हो गया तो हिंदू और मुस्लिम के बीच झगड़े का एक बड़ा कारण समाप्त हो जायेगा और यह सद्भावना से हो गया तो मुस्लिमों की ओर उठने वाली उंगलियों में बहुत कमी आ जायेगी.

हिंदू राष्ट्र का मतलब यह नहीं है कि इसमें मुस्लिम नहीं रहेगा, जिस दिन ऐसा कहा जायेगा उस दिन वो हिंदुत्व नहीं रहेगा, हिंदुत्व तो विश्व कुटुंब की बात करता है.

आरएसएस सामाजिक अन्याय को मिटाने के लिए संविधान द्वारा दिए गए आरक्षण का समर्थन करता है. आरक्षण जारी रहे या नहीं, इसका फैसला उन्हें करना है जिन्हें ये दिया गया है. जब उन्हें लगेगा कि इसकी दरकार नहीं है, वो इस पर फैसला ले लेंगे.

कांग्रेस की तारीफ करते हुए भागवत ने कहा कि कांग्रेस आजादी की लड़ाई में लोगों को जागरुक करने के लिए बनी थी लेकिन आज हालात कुछ और हैं. भागवत ने कहा कि कांग्रेस के रूप में देश की स्वतंत्रता के लिये सारे देश में एक आंदोलन खड़ा हुआ, जिसमें अनेक सर्वस्वत्यागी महापुरूषों की प्रेरणा आज भी लोगों के जीवन को प्रेरित करती है.

समलैंगिकता को अपराध की श्रेणी से बाहर किए जाने के बाद हमें समय के साथ अपनी सोच बदलने की ज़रूरत है. समाज में हर इंसान बराबर का हिस्सेदार है.

आरएसएस का सरकार के ऊपर कोई नियंत्रण नहीं है और ये नागपुर से नहीं चलती. मोदी का रिमोट नागपुर में नहीं है. हमने आज तक किसी राजनीतिक पार्टी का समर्थन नहीं किया है. हमसे जो भी ऑर्गेनाइजेशन सेकेरेट्री की मांग करता है, उसे हम ये मुहैया कराते हैं. अगर अन्य पार्टियां भी हमसे इसकी मांग करती हैं तो हम उन्हें भी ऑर्गेनाइजेशन सेकेरेट्री देंगे.

भागवत ने कहा, ''संघ हमेशा तिरंगे का सम्मान करता है, स्वतंत्रता संग्राम से जुड़ी हर निशानियों से प्रत्येक स्वयंसेवक दिल से जुड़ा है लेकिन भगवा ध्वज को हम अपना गुरु मानते हैं. हर साल इसी ध्वज के सामने हमलोग गुरु दक्षिणा कार्यक्रम आयोजित करते हैं.'' उन्होंने ये भी कहा कि हम इस देश में संघ के दबदबे की मंशा नहीं रखते.

नोटा का इस्तेमाल नहीं किया जाना चाहिए. अगर आप सबसे अच्छे विकल्प का चुनाव नहीं करते तो सबसे बुरा विकल्प ताकतवर बनता है. ये बयान एससी-एसटी एक्ट में किए गए संसोधन के खिलाफ नोटा के इस्तेमाल को लेकर कही गई बात से जुड़ी है.

आर्टिकल 370 को समाप्त किया जाना चाहिए.

जहां तक बंच ऑफ थॉट्स की बात है, बातें समय और परिस्तिथियों के मुताबिक लिखी जाती है. समय, परिस्तिथियां बदलती हैं और बदलने की परमिशन हमने हेडगेवार जी से ले ली है.

अच्छी गौशालायें चलाने वाले, भक्ति से चलाने वाले लोग हमारे यहां हैं. मुस्लिम भी इसमे शामिल हैं. गोसंवर्धन का विचार होना चाहिये, गाय के जितने उपयोग हैं उनको कैसे लागू किये जाए, कैसे तकनीक का उपयोग कर उसको घर-घर पहुंचाया जाए, इस पर बहुत लोग काम कर रहे हैं. वो गोरक्षा की बात करते हैं, वो लिंचिंग करने वाले नहीं हैं. वो सात्विक प्रकृति के लोग हैं.

महिलायें को सुरक्षा के लिये सजग और सक्षम बनाना पड़ेगा, इसलिये किशोर आयु के लड़के और लड़कियों का प्रशिक्षण करना होगा, महिला असुरक्षित तब होती है जब पुरुष उसे देखने की अपनी दृष्टि को बदलता है.

भारत की सभी भाषाएं हमारी भाषा है, ऐसा मन होना चाहिये. जहां रहते हैं वहां की भाषा आत्मसात करनी चाहिए, आपकी रुचि और आवश्यक्ता है तो विदेश की भाषा सीखिये और उसमें भी विदेशी लोगों से ज्यादा प्रवीण बनिये. इसमें भारत का गौरव है. हिंदी में काम करना पड़ता है इसलिये अन्य प्रांतों के लोग हिंदी सीखते हैं, हिंदी बोलने वालों को भी दूसरे प्रांत की एक भाषा को सीखनी चाहिए, इससे मन मिलाप जल्दी होगा, और यह कार्य जल्दी हो जायेगा.

हिंदुत्व को हिन्दुज़्म नहीं कहा जा सकता, क्योंकि इज़्म का मतलब ‘बंद’ है. राधामोहन जी का एक कोड है उसका एक हिस्सा ही बता सकता हूं. हिदुत्व ही तालमेल का आधार बन सकता है. कुछ लोग जानते हैं और कुछ लोग गर्व से कहते हैं. कुछ लोग किसी कारणवश इसे स्वीकार नहीं करते हैं. भारत में इतनी विविधता है कि कई बार एक दूसरों के विरोधी भी लगते हैं. भारत में परायापन नहीं है, ये हमने पैदा किया है.

विभिन्न क्षेत्रों की हस्तियों का जमावड़ा लगा

RSS के सम्मेलन में बॉलीवुड का भी जमावड़ा लगा. नवाजुद्दीन सिद्दिकी, रवि किशन, मधुर भंडारकर, मनीषा कोइराला और अन्नू कपूर जैसी हस्तिया भी दिल्ली पहुंची हैं. संघ के एक पदाधिकारी ने बताया था कि विभिन्न मुद्दों पर संघ के दृष्टिकोण को बताने और उसके कामकाज और विचारधारा के बारे में गलत धारणाओं को मिटाने के लिए यह अपनी तरह का पहला कार्यक्रम है. इसलिए यह महसूस किया गया कि इसमें सभी वर्गों के लोगों को आमंत्रित करना चाहिए. इस कार्यक्रम में कांग्रेस अध्यक्ष राहुल गांधी को भी बुलाए जाने की चर्चा थी जिसे बाद में कांग्रेस ने खारिज कर दिया.

'भविष्य का भारत' में मोहन भागवत की ये हैं 10 प्रमुख बातें

आरएसएस प्रमुख मोहन भागवत ने 'भविष्य का भारत-राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ का दृष्टिकोण' के अंतिम द... https://www.aajtak.in/india/story/rss-chief-mohan-bhagwat-future-bharat-hindutva-mob-lynching-10-comment-565572-2018-09-19

Bhagwat’s glasnost in RSS-Muslim ties is welcome, but can he rein in Modi and Adityanath?

 Opinion: Bhagwat’s glasnost in RSS-Muslim ties is welcome, but can he rein in Modi and Adityanath?

For all our legitimate criticisms about the Sangh, we must not lose hope in bridge-building.

Sudheendra Kulkarni

Yesterday · 09:00 am

Opinion: Bhagwat’s glasnost in RSS-Muslim ties is welcome, but can he rein in Modi and Adityanath?

Mohan Bhagwat releasing Khwaja Ahmed's book July 4. Ahmed is on Bhagwat's right. | Rashtriya Muslim Manch.

The Meeting of Minds: A Bridging Initiative. This is the title of the book by Khwaja Iftikhar Ahmed that Mohan Bhagwat, chief of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, released in Ghaziabad on July 4 and delivered an important speech at the launch.

Ahmed is a dear friend of mine for many years. A devout practitioner of Islam, he has been actively promoting Hindu-Muslim dialogue since the time of PV Narasimha Rao was prime minister, when the Ayodhya dispute had sharply divided the two communities. During Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s premiership, we worked together to garner Muslim support for the Bharatiya Janata Party. He is now closely associated with the Rashtriya Muslim ManchMuslim Rashtriya Manch, an RSS-affiliated platform.

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He and other members of a slowly expanding network of Muslim intellectuals and religious leaders have been holding meetings with senior RSS leaders on issues concerning the two communities, and also other issues of national importance.

The fact that Bhagwat, who heads an organisation widely believed to be anti-Muslim, not only released Ahmed’s book book but also praised his Bridging Initiative is significant. “Discord cannot be a solution,” the RSS chief said. “Dialogue alone can be a solution.” He also averred: “A person is not a Hindu if he says Muslims should not live in India…Those involved in mob lynching are against Hindutva.”

Widespread debate

His speech has triggered a widespread debate both among the supporters and critics of the RSS. Even those who have expressed appreciation for his statements — and they include many notable Muslim personalities — have voiced valid criticism: “Why was Bhagwat silent when so many cases of mob lynching of Muslims took place after Narendra Modi became the prime minister?” “Why don’t top RSS leaders speak out when those in the BJP and other outfits of the Sangh Parivar regularly spew venom against Islam and Muslims?”

The RSS cannot evade these questions. However, there is more to the book that the RSS chief released, and also more to what he spoke on the occasion, than has been examined by the media so far. Indeed, this can be seen as yet another attempt by Bhagwat to advance his agenda of glasnost or openness and perestroika, restructuring, within his organisation.

This characterisation is not mine. Rather, it is by Ram Madhav, who has had a long and close association with both the RSS and the BJP. “It is a glasnost moment for the Sangh,” Madhav wrote in The Indian Express in September 2018, soon after Bhagwat delivered a widely debated lecture series in New Delhi on the theme Bhavishya Ka Bharat (The Future of India – An RSS Perspective).

Madhav wrote:

  “His three-day lecture series witnessed significant openness on the important ideological questions that the organisation has been identified with. As an insider, I am privy to the shift in the last decade or so since Bhagwat took over. He has finally spelt out this shift before the countrymen. This is not an easy transition. There is no doubt that Bhagwat has disarmed most critics through his Glasnost. But driving home the new thinking within the rank and file of the organisation, requires no less than a Perestroika. Bhagwat’s challenge lies in that. Bhagwat will lead the organisation for many more years to come. He commands enormous respect within the rank and file. With his clarity, candidness and determination he has the ability to lead the organisation in the direction he wants.”  

According to Madhav, Bhagwat was “emphatic” about his position on the Indian Constitution. “He even read out the entire Preamble and averred that the RSS has full respect for it, including the words Secularism and Socialism, inserted during the Emergency,” Madhav wrote.

He concluded his article with a bold assertion. “‘If not me, who? And if not now, when?’ retorted Gorbachev when asked about his reformist zeal. Bhagwat looked equally determined.”

Madhav’s claim about a “restructuring” of the Sangh’s core ideological beliefs has since been countered by other RSS insiders. This points to an internal churning in the Sangh. Every living organisation, irrespective of its founding ideology, must change with the changing times. Ideals, if they are noble, should not change. But ideas and ways of implementing them must undergo periodic reform when warranted by history. The luxury of remaining change-resistant is open only to those who do not mind becoming irrelevant. Any unbiased observer of the RSS, who listens to Bhagwat’s full speech, would know that he is trying to break new ground with the Indian Muslim community. This deserves to be welcomed.

Need of the hour

Does contemporary India need “bridge-building” to facilitate a “meeting of minds” between Hindus and Muslims? The answer, obvious to all right-thinking people, is best expressed in an ancient Sanskrit saying:

Setubandhanam sarvaranjanam

May bridges be built to secure welfare and happiness of all

Setubandhanam margasaadhanam

May bridges be built to create new roads and blaze new trails

Setubandhanam snehakaranam

May bridges be built to enhance friendship and goodwill among nations and peoples

Setubandhanam vihita-taaranam

May bridges be built to salvage what is helpful to humanity and is ordained by law.

Obviously, for bridges between Hindus and Muslims to serve the above lofty purposes, they have to be built on the solid foundation of truth and sincerity, and on the pillars of mutual trust, respect and willingness to listen to the other side with an open mind. This is where we see troubling inadequacies in the approaches of both the RSS and the influential Muslim leadership in India.

Mohan Bhagwat on Hindus and Muslims

 Mohan Bhagwat on Hindus and  Muslims

ప్రార్ధనా రీతులు వేరైనంత మాత్రాన

మనుషులు ఒకటి కాకుండాపోరు.

-        ఆరెస్సెస్ సర్సంఘ్ ఛాలక్ మోహన్ భగవత్

 

(డాక్టర్ ఖ్వాజా ఇఫ్తికార్ అహ్మద్ పుస్తకం 'The Meeting of Minds' ఆవిష్కరణ సందర్భంగా జులై 4న ఘాజియాబాద్ లో ఆర్ ఎస్ ఎస్ సర్సంఘ్ ఛాలక్ శ్రీ మోహన్ భాగ్వత్  చేసిన ప్రసంగంలో ముఖ్యాంశాలివి. హిందూ, ముస్లింల గురించి ఆర్ ఎస్ ఎస్ నేరేటివ్ మారుతున్నదా? లేకుంటే,  రోజురోజుకూ ప్రజాద్రణను కోల్పోతున్న బిజెపికి త్వరలో ఐదు రాష్ట్రాల  అసెంబ్లీలకు జరుగనున్న ఎన్నికల్లో  లబ్ది చేకూర్చడానికి ఇదో నెత్తుగడనా? విస్తృతంగా చర్చించండి.)

 

1.     

1.        మనుషుల్ని కలపడం రాజకీయాలకు చేతకాదు. పైగా రాజకీయం మనుషుల మధ్య చిచ్చుపెడుతుంది.

 

2.        హిందూ ముస్లిం ఐక్యత అనేదే ఒక తప్పుడు ప్రయోగం. వాళ్ళిద్దరు వేరు కానపుడు కలిసే వుంటున్నపుడు ఇక కొత్తగా ఐక్యత నే మాటకు తావెక్కడిదీ?

 

3.        తాము కలిసిలేమని హిందూ ముస్లింలలో ఎవరు అనుకున్నా వాళ్ళిద్దరూ సంకటంలో పడినట్టే .

 

4.        వచ్చే ఎన్నికల్లో ముస్లిం ఓట్ల కోసం ఈ మాటలు చెప్పడంలేదు. మాది రాజకీయ పార్టి కాదు.

 

5.        రాజనీతి అనేది మనుషుల్ని జోడించే పనిముట్టు కాదు; మనుషుల్ని విడగొట్టే ఆయుధం.

 

6.        ప్రార్ధనా రీతులు వేరైనంత మాత్రాన మనుషులు ఒకటి కాకుండాపోరు. ముస్లింలు నిరాకారుడ్ని పూజిస్తారు, హిందువులు నిరాకారుడ్ని, ఆకారుడ్నికూడ పూజిస్తారు.

 

7.        అనేక భాషల్ని మాట్లాడేవారు అనేక ధార్మిక భావనలు కలిగినవారు కలిసి జీవిస్తారని అధర్వణ వేదంలోనే వుంది. ఎవరు ఎవర్ని పూజించినా ఆ ప్రార్ధనలన్నీ చేరేవి ఒక్కనికే.

 

8.        మనందరి డిఎన్ ఏ 40 వేల సంవత్సరాలుగా కొనసాగుతోంది. మైనారిటీలంటే మనతోపాటు జీవిస్తూ వచ్చిన మన సోదరులు.

 

9.        అయితే, సంఘీయులు మిమ్మల్ని అణిచివేస్తున్నారు అనే అభిప్రాయాన్ని కొందరు మైనారిటీల మనసుల్లో నాటే ప్రయత్నాలు చేస్తున్నారు.

 

10.   హిందువులు అత్యధికులుగా వున్న దేశంలోవుంటే ఇస్లాం అంతరించిపోతుందని మరో ప్రచారం సాగుతోంది.

 

11.   మన దేశానికి వచ్చిన వాళ్ళంతా ఈనాటికీ ఇక్కడే వున్నారు. మన రాజ్యాంగం వాళ్ళందరి అస్తిత్వానికి హామీ ఇస్తున్నది.

 

12.   మైనార్టీల మీద ఏమైనా ఆగడాలు జరిగితే మెజారిటీ సమూహమే ఆ ఆకతాయిల్ని తప్పు పడుతుంది. నేను హిందూ సమాజాన్ని రెచ్చగొట్టే ప్రసంగాలు చేసి కొంచెం పాపులారిటీని పెంచుకోవచ్చు. కానీ, హిందువులే నన్ను తప్పుపడతారు. వాళ్ళు ఆకతాయి పనుల్ని సహించరు.

 

13.   శత్రువు అయినా సరే వాని జీవించే హక్కును గుర్తించే వారసత్వం మనది.

 

14.   పోరాటాలు జరుగుతాయి. యుధ్ధంలో ఓడిపోయినవాడు శరణు కోరితే అతన్ని క్షమించి తీరాలి. ఇది మన పరంపర.

 

15.   మన దేశంలో ఒక్క ముస్లిం కూడ వుండడానికి వీల్లేదని ఎవరయినా అంటే వాళ్ళు హిందువులే కాదు. ఈమాటను ఈరోజు నేను కొత్తగా చెప్పడంలేదు; డాక్టర్ హేగ్డేవార్ కాలం నుండే ఈ అవగాహన వుంది.

 

16.   ఇస్లాం భారతదేశంలో ఎలా ప్రవేశించిందో మనంద్రికీ తెలుసు. ఆరోజు నుండే హిందూ, ముస్లింల ఐక్యతకు ప్రయత్నాలు మొదలయ్యాయి.

 

17.   ఒక తప్పు జరిగినపుడు హిందువుల్ని హిందువులే విమర్శిస్తున్నట్టు , ముస్లింలను ముస్లింలు విమర్శిస్తున్నట్టు నా దృష్టికి రాలేదు.

 

18.   భారత దేశం బలపడాలంటే అందరూ బలపడాలి. మనందరం ఒకరనే భావన లోపలి నుండి రావాలి. వివేకవంతులు దానికోసం కృషిచేయాలి.

 

19.   ఇది హిందువుల సంఘం గాబట్టి హిందువులే బలపడాలనే ఆలోచన మంచిదికాదు. ఏ సమస్య అయినా డిస్కార్డ్ చేస్తే పరిష్కారం కాదు; సంవాదం (డైలాగ్) ద్వార పరిష్కరించాలి.

 

20.   ఎప్పుడయినా సరే సంఘర్షణవల్ల నష్టమే జరుగుతుంది. ఒకరినొకరు అర్ధం చేసుకుంటూ దేశాన్ని ముందుకు ఎలా నడిపించాలో ఆలోచించాలి.

 

21.   మీ ఉనికిని కోల్పోమని ఎవ్వరూ అనరు. ఇస్లాం రాకముందు కూడ ఇక్కడ వైవిధ్యం వుంది.

 

22.   భారతదేశంలో ఇస్లాం ప్రమాదంలో ఉందనే ప్రచారాన్ని నమ్మి దుష్టుల పన్నాగాల్లో చిక్కుకోవద్దు. తప్పుడు ప్రచారాలవల్ల అనుమానాలు, అపనమ్మకాలు పెరిగాయి. వీటిని అరికట్టాలి.

 

23.   హిందూస్తాన్ హిందువుల రాజ్యమే, గోమాత పూజనీయమే. అయితే, లించింగ్ చేసేవాళ్ళు హిందుత్వానికి వ్యతిరేకులు. వాళ్ళు ఆకతాయిలు. వాళ్ళను చట్ట ప్రకారం శిక్షించాలి.

 

24.   హిందూ సమాజంలో ధైర్యాన్ని నింపి ఆత్మవిశ్వాసాన్ని పెంచేపని సంఘ్ చేస్తుంది. అంటే ఇతరుల్ని వేధించమని కాదు. భయపెట్టిగానీ, భయంతోగానీ ఐక్యత సాధ్యంకాదు. ప్రేమతో నమ్మకంతో ఐక్యత సాధ్యం అవుతుంది.

 

25.   హిందూ రాజ్యం అంటే హిందూ మతస్తుల రాజ్యం అనికాదు; భారత దేశాన్ని తమ మాతృభూమిగా భావించేవాళ్ళు, ఈ దేశ సాంస్కృతిక సాంప్రదాయాన్ని కొనసాగించేవాళ్ళు అందరూ హిందువులే.

 

26.   మీకు హిందూస్తాన్ అనే పదం నచ్చకపోతే భారతదేశం అనండి. పదాలదేమున్నది భావం ముఖ్యం. ఐక్యత ప్రయత్నాలు మనం ఎంత తొందరగా మొదలెడితే అంత మంచిది.

// EOM//

How former RSS head M.S. Golwalkar saw India and wanted to treat minorities

 How former RSS head M.S. Golwalkar saw India and wanted to treat minorities

SHASHI THAROOR 27 January, 2018 3:32 pm IST

Shashi Tharoor

Shashi Tharoor | Twitter / @ShashiTharoor

In this excerpt from his new book, ‘Why I Am a Hindu’, Congress MP Shashi Tharoor explains nationalism as RSS leader M.S. Golwalkar saw it. 

Golwalkar made it clear in his writings that India was the holy land of the Hindus. He writes: ‘Hindusthan is the land of the Hindus and is the terra firma for the Hindu nation alone to flourish upon…’ According to him, India was a pristine Hindu country in ancient times, a place of unparalleled glory destroyed in successive assaults by foreign invaders. He felt that a ‘national regeneration’ was necessary. Throughout his writings, he expresses the view that the national regeneration of this ‘Hindu nation’ (the ‘motherland’ for which the ‘Hindu people’ shed their blood) could only come about through the revival of its Hinduness. Golwalkar rejected the concept of what he called ‘territorial nationalism’ the modern variant of nationalism which identified a state with its territory and bestowed equal rights of citizenship on all those who lived within it. That, to Golwalkar, made no sense: a territory was not a nation, a people constituted a nation. Who were this people? In the Indian case, Hindus. Golwalkar and the RSS became passionate advocates of ‘cultural nationalism’. This, of course, is directly opposed to the civic nationalism enshrined in the Constitution of India.

India’s independence from colonial rule in 1947, Golwalkar argued, did not constitute real freedom because the new leaders held on to the ‘perverted concept of nationalism’ that located all who lived on India’s territory as equal constituents of the nation. ‘The concept of territorial nationalism,’ he wrote, ‘has verily emasculated our nation and what more can we expect of a body deprived of its vital energy? …[and] so it is that we see today the germs of corruption, disintegration and dissipation eating into the vitals of our nation for having given up the natural living nationalism in the pursuit of an unnatural, unscientific and lifeless hybrid concept of territorial nationalism.’

Golwalkar’s Bunch Of Thoughts argues that territorial nationalism is a barbarism, since a nation is ‘not a mere bundle of political and economic rights’ but an embodiment of national culture—in India, ‘ancient and sublime’ Hinduism. In the book, Golwalkar sneers at democracy—which he sees as alien to Hindu culture. He also writes approvingly of Manu as a ‘great soul’; he talks of the high regard in which Manu is held around the world by giving the example of a marble statue in the Philippines with the inscription: ‘The first, the greatest and wisest lawgiver of mankind’. (That Manu’s legal prescription is condemned by many for its elitism and casteism, its gender prejudice, its implicitly authoritarian ethos and its disparagement of the lower castes never crosses Golwalkar’s mind.) But in all fairness, Golwalkar was only echoing Nietzsche, who wrote of the Manu Smriti: ‘This absolutely Aryan testimony, a priestly codex of morality based on the Vedas, of a presentation of caste and of ancient provenance not pessimistic even though priestly—completes my conceptions of religion in the most remarkable manner.’ For Golwalkar, therefore, salvation lies not in Indian democracy, but in the historian Manu S. Pillai’s words, ‘in embracing Hindu dharmocracy’.

Pillai’s phrase is not entirely tongue-in-cheek: Golwakar intends traditional Hindu practices to prevail in his Hindu Rashtra, including caste discrimination. ‘We know as a matter of history,’ he writes, ‘that our north-western and north-eastern areas, where the influence of Buddhism had disrupted the caste system, fell an easy prey to the onslaught of Muslims…. But the areas of Delhi and Uttar Pradesh, which were considered to be very orthodox and rigid in caste restrictions, remained predominantly Hindu even after remaining the very citadels of Muslim power and fanaticism.’ So the more caste-ridden society was, the more robustly it was able to resist the encroachments of the foreign faiths that sought to erode it: to Golwalkar, ‘the so-called “caste-ridden” Hindu Society has remained undying and inconquerable…(while) casteless societies crumbled to dust’.

The alternative to territorial nationalism, to Golwalkar, was a nationalism based on race. In We, or Our Nationhood Defined, at the height of Hitler’s rise, Golwalkar wrote: ‘To keep up the purity of the Race and its culture, Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the Semitic Races—the Jews. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well nigh impossible it is for Races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindustan to learn and profit by.’

This marked an evolution from Savarkar’s notion that saw Hindutva as principally a cultural identity and the Hindu religion as a part of a national Hindu culture. In an important respect, Golwalkar reversed Savarkar’s logic: ‘With us,’ he wrote, ‘culture is but a product of our all-comprehensive religion, a part of its body and not distinguishable from it.’77 From Golwalkar onwards, Hindutva was seen as an ideology seeking to establish the hegemony of Hindus, Hindu values and the Hindu way of life in the political arrangements of India. In this he was building on Savarkar’s derisive rejection of Gandhian ‘universalism’ and ‘non-violence’ which he considered delusionary opiates; instead of Gandhi’s moral lessons in favour of peace, Savarkar advocated the ‘political virility’ of Hindutva, an idea which found full flower in Golwalkar.

Golwalkar made no bones about the principal targets of his race-hatred: ‘Ever since that evil day, when Moslems first landed in Hindustan, right up to the present moment, the Hindu Nation has been gallantly fighting on to shake off the despoilers. The Race Spirit has been awakening’.79 The association of Hindutva with an explicitly anti-Muslim agenda can be traced to its unambiguous avowal by Golwalkar. But ‘race’ fashionable though the term was when Golwakar wrote in the 1930s, especially in the context of Nazi ideology was not a totally accurate word for what he meant, not least since many, indeed most, of India’s Muslims were descended from Hindu ancestors themselves and therefore were of the same race or ethnicity as the Hindus for whom Golwalkar was speaking.

According to the proponents of Hindutva, despite that common descent, Muslims had cut themselves off from Hindu culture: they prayed in Arabic, rather than the Sanskrit born on Indian soil, turned to a foreign city (Mecca) as their holiest of holies, and owed allegiance to a holy book, and beliefs spawned by it, that had no roots in the sacred land of India. Naipaul echoes this thought in his Among the Believers: ‘It turns out now that the Arabs were the most successful imperialists of all time; since to be conquered by them (and then to be like them) is still, in the minds of the faithful, to be saved.’

Golwalkar’s answer was to seek the assimilation of Muslims and other minorities into the Hindu nationalist mainstream by forcing them to abandon these external allegiances (rather as the Jews were forced to adopt outward signs of adherence to Christianity during the Spanish Inquisition four and a half centuries earlier). The German notion of a volksgeist, a ‘race spirit’ to which everyone would have to conform, appealed strongly to Golwalkar. To remain in India, Muslims would have to submit themselves to Hindus. Recalling the parable of Muhammad going to the mountain, Golwalkar wrote: ‘In the Indian situation, the Hindu is the mountain, and the Muslim population, Mohammed. I need not elaborate.’ A few paragraphs earlier I have quoted his approving words about Nazi theories of race. There is more in his writing that is even more chilling.

Golwalkar’s hatred for non-Hindus was especially virulent when it came to Muslims and Christians; he regarded Parsis and Jews in India as model minorities who knew their place and did not ruffle any Hindu feathers. In his pungent view: ‘[H]ere was already a full-fledged ancient nation of the Hindus and the various communities which were living in the country were here either as guests, the Jews and Parsis, or as invaders, the Muslims and Christians.’ He added: ‘They never faced the question how all such heterogenous groups could be called as children of the soil merely because, by an accident, they happened to reside in a common territory under the rule of a common enemy.’

Golwalkar strongly opposed any talk of a secular Indian state. As he wrote in We, or Our Nationhood Defined: ‘There are only two courses open to these foreign elements’, Golwalkar went on, ‘either to merge themselves in the national race and adopt its culture or to live at its mercy so long as the national race may allow them to do so and quit the country at the sweet will of the national race. That is the only sound view on the minorities’ problem… [The] foreign races in Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no idea but those of the glorification of the Hindu race and culture, i.e., of the Hindu nation and must lose their separate existence to merge in the Hindu race, or may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment—not even citizen’s rights.’

Shashi Tharoor’s latest book ‘Why I Am A Hindu’ has been published by Aleph Book Company. Excerpted with permission from Aleph.

Indian citizenship to Pak Refuges under CAA

 ఆరుగురు పాక్‌ వలసదారులకు భారత పౌరసత్వం

Jul 07, 2021, 16:51 IST

Madhya Pradesh Govt Granted Indian Citizenship To Six Pakistani Migrants Under CAA - Sakshi

భోపాల్‌: పాకిస్తాన్‌ నుంచి మధ్యప్రదేశ్‌కి వచ్చిన ఆరుగురు పాక్‌ శరణార్థులకు రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వం భారత పౌరసత్వాన్ని అందించింది. వీరు మధ్యప్రదేశ్‌లో దశాబ్దాల కాలంగా జీవిస్తున్న నేపథ్యంలో పౌరసత్వ సవరణ చట్టం(సీఏఏ) కింద భారత్‌ పౌరసత్వం కల్పించినట్లు మధ్యప్రదేశ్‌ ప్రభుత్వం పేర్కొంది. ఈ సందర్భంగా రాష్ట్ర హోం శాఖ మంత్రి నరోత్తం మిశ్ర మాట్లాడుతూ.. ఈ ఆరుగురు వలస బాధితులు మతపరమైన హింసకు గురై భారత్‌లో బతకడానికి వచ్చారని తెలిపారు. మధ్యప్రదేశ్‌ ప్రభుత్వం బుధవారం వారి భారత పౌరసత్వ పత్రాలను అధికారికంగా అందించినట్లు మంత్రి నరోత్తం మిశ్ర తెలిపారు.

పౌరసత్వం పొందిన ఆరుగురిలో నందలాల్, అమిత్ కుమార్ భోపాల్ నివాసితులు కాగా, అర్జున్‌దాస్ మంచందాని, జైరామ్ దాస్, నారాయణ్ దాస్, సౌశల్య బాయి మాండ్‌సౌర్‌కు చెందినవారని వెల్లడించారు. రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వం తమకు భారత దేశ పౌరసత్వం కల్పించడం పట్ల చాలా సంతోషంగా ఉంది. 31 ఏళ్లుగా తాను అటు పాకిస్తాన్‌, ఇటు భారత్‌కు చెందిన వాడని కాదనే భావన ఉండేది. కానీ, ప్రస్తుతం తాను భారతీయుడనని గర్వంగా ఉన్నట్లు అర్జున్‌దాస్ మంచందాని మీడియాతో తెలిపాడు.

పాకిస్తాన్‌లోని సింధ్‌ ప్రావిన్స్ నుంచి వీరు 1988-2005 సమయంలో భారత్‌లోని మధ్యప్రదేశ్‌కు వచ్చారని, ఈ నేపథ్యంలోనే వారికి పౌరసత్వ సవరణ చట్టం కింద భారత పౌరసత్వం అందిచామని అధికారులు తెలిపారు. ఇక పౌరసత్వ సవరణ చట్టం(సీఏఏ)ను కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వం 2019లో తీసుకువచ్చిన విషయం తెలిసిందే. ఈ చట్టం కింద పాకిస్తాన్‌, అఫ్ఘానిస్తాన్, బంగ్లాదేశ్ దేశాల్లో మతపరమైన హింసకు గురయ్యే హిందూ, సిక్కు, బౌద్ధ, జైన్‌, పార్షీ, క్రైస్తవ వలసదారులకు భారత్‌ పౌరసత్వం కల్పించనుంది. అయితే 2014 సంవత్సరం కంటే ముందే భారత్‌కు వచ్చివారికి మాత్రమే  దేశ పౌరసత్వం కల్పించనుంది.

Is a Confused Bhagwat Becoming ‘Pseudo-Secular’? Or Is There a Method Behind His Musings?

 Is a Confused Bhagwat Becoming ‘Pseudo-Secular’? Or Is There a Method Behind His Musings?

Perhaps the most charitable interpretation of his Sunday ramblings is that the RSS is coming to terms with the limits of its Hindutva project.

Is a Confused Bhagwat Becoming ‘Pseudo-Secular’? Or Is There a Method Behind His Musings?

RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat during the launch of Dr. Khwaja Iftikhar Ahmeds book Meeting of Minds, at Mewar Institute in Ghaziabad, Sunday, July 4, 2021. Photo: PTI/Atul Yadav

Harish Khare

Harish Khare

COMMUNALISMPOLITICS

14 HOURS AGO

Since the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) fancies itself as the sole custodian of “the Hindus” and of “Hindu interests”, the pronouncements of its senior functionaries demand attention, contestation and refutation. And, since its, frontal-organisation, the Bharatiya Janata Party happens to be the dominant ruling party at the national level, the RSS chief’s occasional ‘stray thoughts’ require close scrutiny.

Mohan Bhagwat’s observations last Sunday betray a man confused. Though he chose to foreground himself in the legacy of the “last 40,000 years,” his confusion is entirely consistent with the realities of ruling and governing Modern India. The very fact that he chose to grace a function on the theme of “Hindustani First, Hindustan First,” that too facilitated by a traditional power-broker from the Muslim community, bespeaks of some of the old compulsions in the so-called new “Naya Bharat.”

Curiously enough Bhagwat insisted on asserting that his organisation was “not in politics”. It is a bogus claim. This assertion flies in the face of hard facts. Commissars from Nagpur occupy key organisational positions in the BJP. Only the other day, the media was reporting that RSS functionaries were in prolonged confabulations over how to save a government in Uttar Pradesh that has done so poorly by the people of that state.

Moreover, the BJP is the only party whose interests and activities, however partisan and dishonourable, the RSS promotes and protects. And, like any other political party, the BJP has, quite naturally and entirely normally, flirted with criminals, corrupt individuals and the rapacious corporate crowd. As its political coach and mentor, the RSS has not remained untouched by the BJP’s dirty politics. Nor does the Sangh brass any longer have the luxury of being indifferent to the BJP’s electoral fortunes.

One stark lesson from the recent West Bengal outcome is that strategies devised around the “Jai Sri Ram slogan” will drive the minorities away from the BJP. And, given the right battleground and right local commanders, the Muslims may not allow themselves to be divided, whatever stratagem the BJP’s over-rated Chankayas may wish to put in place.

Hence, it is not too difficult to decode the political calculus behind Bhagwat’s advice to the Muslim community not to get caught in the “Islam in danger” cycle. The Nagpur boss cannot possibly be unaware of the pernicious hate-industry in social media (and on television) working overtime to poison Hindu-Muslim relations. Islam may not be in danger in India or anywhere else but who can deny the fact that being blatantly anti-Muslim has become cost-free, even rewarding, in these past seven years.

Also read: Will RSS Be Able to Defuse Brewing Modi vs Yogi Tensions in Uttar Pradesh?

More interesting and meaningful is Bhagwat’s formulation that there cannot be dominance of either Hindus or Muslims; given the fact that the Muslims have neither sought political or cultural dominance nor demanded even parity, the RSS chief remarks are at odds with the rough and tough politics practiced by the “Hindu rashtra” forces. Read with his observation on lynching, the RSS boss was either trying to obviate the UP Muslims’ palpable and warranted sense of unease or advising his rank and file to hide their claws, for now.

Bhagwat’s basic contention that all Indians – Hindus and Muslims and others – share the same DNA may at first glance looks like harking back to M.S. Golwalkar. It is unfair to burden the present RSS boss with the requirement of consistency. What the ‘Guruji’ said or meant has been conveniently revised or jettisoned, as per the political calculations of the day; and, we do know that all BJP and RSS leaders have turned out to be closet practitioners of realpolitik. Bhagwat may be a prisoner of a certain dogma but is certainly no prisoner of the past.

File photo from 2009 of Narendra Modi and BJP leader Keshubhai Patel giving the RSS salute. Credit: PTI

Perhaps the most charitable interpretation of his Sunday ramblings is that the RSS hierarchy is coming to terms with the limits of its Hindutva project. Having achieved the satisfaction of helping the BJP acquire power nationally, and enjoying the gratifications that such power has within it to bestow on the Nagpur apparatchiks, the RSS finds itself in a dead-end. Its idealism, its ideology and its dogma are of no help in resolving real national problems.

The ongoing pandemic has ingloriously exposed the ‘Hindu rate’ of misgovernance. The total hash that the Modi regime has made of coping with the pandemic just cannot be attributed to the “others”. Simply put, the self-proclaimed representatives of the ‘Hindus’ have short-changed the Hindus; India’s non-Hindus cannot be blamed because they have been edged out of the higher echelons of the government, the armed forces, the police, the bureaucracy, business and politics.

More fundamentally, these seven years of unhindered national power have exposed the assumption of  a harmoniousness among Hindu interests that would override the divisions and cleavages of class, caste and community. It is absurd to assume that 800 million Hindus have no differences among them on what kind of society and government India ought to have. Divisions and conflicts have been endemic all through “the last 40,000 years.” The Sangh’s insistent invocation of “Hindu interests” has turned out to be an unhelpful instrument of effective and cogent governance these past seven years.

Hopefully, Bhagwat and his colleagues have finally realised that an unrelenting insistence on equating “Hindu interests” with national well-being has only ended up locking the RSS on the side of injustice, inequity and inequality, against the poor and the marginalised.

Also read: After Seven Years of Modi and Shah, the RSS’s Fall from Grace is Total and Complete

As long as it was away from power, the RSS could afford to present itself as a morally superior outfit; it has squandered away that edge because in these past seven years there has been no issue or occasion when Nagpur has felt any reason to be critical of the Modi government. Consequently, the RSS can no longer escape the cost of its association with a soiled regime and its sordid political calculations.

On Sunday, Bhagwat appears to be conceding that the BJP’s Hindu vote-bank politics has produced division and strife in the body-politic. Someone should remind Bhagwat of his Sunday sermon the next time Narendra Modi talks of shamshanghats (cemetery) and kabristans. As self-proclaimed nationalists, the RSS bosses should remember that no divided society has ever achieved national greatness or glory.

Harish Khare is a journalist who lives and works in Delhi.

All Indians share the same DNA, cannot be differentiated on basis of worship, says RSS chief

All Indians share the same DNA, cannot be differentiated on basis of worship, says RSS chief

UPDATED: JULY 04, 2021 22:01 IST

RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat launches Dr. Khwaja Iftikhar Ahmed's book 'The Meeting of Minds', at Mewar Institute in Ghaziabad, on Sunday, July 4, 2021.   | Photo Credit: PTI

Mohan Bhagwat decries lynching, says Islam not in danger in India

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat, addressing a programme organised by the Muslim Rashtriya Manch, mentored by RSS associate Indiresh Kumar, asked the Muslim community in India not to get trapped in a cycle of fear that Islam was in danger in India and asserted that those who indulged in lynching were against Hindutva.

The function was organised around the theme “Hindusatani First, Hindustan First” and included the launch of a book The Meeting of Minds: A Bridging Initiative written by Dr. Khwaja Iftikhar Ahmad who had earlier been associated with late prime minister P.V. Narasimha Rao.

Mr. Bhagwat asserted that the DNA of all Indians is the same and they cannot be differentiated on the basis of worship. He said that the concept of Hindu-Muslim unity is misleading because there is nothing to unite as differences don’t exist in the first place.

“There can never be any dominance of either Hindus or Muslims; there can only be the dominance of Indians,” the RSS chief said.

Also read: 130 crore Indians are Hindu society: Mohan Bhagwat

He decried incidents of lynching of minorities and stated that those who are indulging such violence were “against Hindutva”.

He added, however, that sometimes false cases of lynching have also been registered against people. “If a Hindu says that no Muslim should live here (in India), then that person is not a Hindu. Cow is a holy animal but the people who are lynching are going against Hindutva. Law should take its own course against them without any partiality,” he said.

He urged members of the Muslim community in India to get over any fear that Islam was in danger in India. “Don’t get trapped in the cycle of fear that Islam is in danger in India,” he said.

“It has been proven that we’re the descendants of the same ancestors from the last 40,000 years. People of India have the same DNA,” he said, adding that politics cannot unite people. “There are some things that politics cannot do, it cannot unite people. Politics cannot become a tool for uniting people, but can become a weapon to distort unity,” he said. “The basis of unity should be nationalism, glory of ancestors,” he added.

At the beginning of his speech, Mr. Bhagwat made it clear that this was not a novel outreach for him or any attempts at cultivating a vote bank. He mentioned that he had also earlier met with clerics from Dar-ul-uloom Deoband, one of the leading Sunni Islamic seminaries in the normal course of his meetings with people from different walks of life. He added that neither he nor the RSS was in politics to bother about image issues.

Hindu and Muslims - RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat

 

Hindu and Muslims - RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat  

డాక్టర్ ఖ్వాజా ఇఫ్తికార్ అహ్మద్ పుస్తకం 'The Meeting of Minds' ఆవిష్కరణ సందర్భంగా ఘాజియాబాద్ లో ఆర్ ఎస్ ఎస్ సర్సంఘ్ ఛాలక్ శ్రీ మోహన్ భాగ్వత్  చేసిన ప్రసంగాన్ని అందరూ తప్పక వినండి. హిందూ, ముస్లింల గురించి ఆర్ ఎస్ ఎస్ నేరేటివ్ మారుతున్నదా? లేకుంటే,  రోజురోజుకూ ప్రజాద్రణను కోల్పోతున్న బిజెపికి త్వరలో ఐదు రాష్ట్రాల  అసెంబ్లీలకు జరుగనున్న ఎన్నికల్లో  లబ్ది చేకూర్చడానికి ఇదో నెత్తుగడనా? విస్తృతంగా చర్చించండి.

 

RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat’s speech at the  launching of Dr. Khwaja Iftikhar Ahmed's book 'The Meeting of Minds', at Mewar Institute in Ghaziabad, on 4^th July 2021.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=49_JATEWZ0c

Religious conversion

 న్యాయవాది చాంబర్లోనే మతమార్పిడి, నిఖా

jul 6 2021

న్యూఢిల్లీ, జూలై 5: ఢిల్లీలో ఆయనో న్యాయవాది. కడ్‌కడ్‌కూమా కోర్టులలో వాదించే లాయర్‌ ఇక్బాల్‌ మాలిక్‌ ఒక హిందూ అమ్మాయిపై కన్నేశాడు. బలవంతంగా ఆమెను ఇస్లాంలోకి మార్పించి కోర్టు ప్రాంగణంలోని తన చాంబర్‌లోనే నికాహ్‌ చేసుకొన్నాడు. ఈ వ్యవహారంపై మహిళ తండ్రి ఫిర్యాదు చేయడంతో ఢిల్లీ బార్‌ కౌన్సిల్‌ ఆ న్యాయవాదికి షోకాజ్‌ నోటీసు ఇచ్చింది. ఆయన లైసెన్సును తాత్కాలికంగా సస్పెండ్‌ చేసింది. నికాహ్‌ లేదా వివాహాలకు న్యాయవాదులు కోర్టు ప్రాంగణాన్ని వినియోగించరాదని బార్‌ కౌన్సిల్‌ పేర్కొంది. న్యాయ వ్యవస్థ ప్రతిష్ఠ, విశ్వసనీయతను కాపాడేందుకు ఈ వ్యవహారంపై తక్షణమే విచారణ జరిపేందుకు కౌన్సిల్‌ ప్రత్యేక క్రమశిక్షణా కమిటీని నియమించింది.

Dilip Kumar's Health Is Improving,

 "Dilip Kumar's Health Is Improving, Request Your Prayers," Tweets Wife Saira Banu

Veteran actor Dilip Kumar was hospitalised last week after he complained of breathlessness

BollywoodWritten by Nilanjana BasuUpdated: July 05, 2021 11:30 pm IST

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'Dilip Kumar's Health Is Improving, Request Your Prayers,' Tweets Wife Saira Banu

Dilip Kumar and Saira Banu in a photo from last month (courtesy TheDilipKumar)

New Delhi: Veteran actor Dilip Kumar, who is admitted to Mumbai's Hinduja Hospital, is showing signs of improvement - said a tweet on behalf of his wife Saira Banu. On Monday night, a health update about the 98-year-old actor was shared on his official Twitter account, which is handled by his family friend Faisal Farooqui and sometimes his wife Saira Banu. "We are grateful for God's infinite mercy on Dilip Sahib that his health is improving," read an excerpt from Saira Banu's message on Twitter. Before signing off the tweet, Saira Banu added that she requests for prayers and well wishes for Dilip Kumar, hoping he is back home soon: "We are still in hospital and request your prayers and duas so that Insha'Allah he is healthy and discharged soon."

Here's what Saira Banu tweeted on Monday night:

Saira Banu, who has been with Dilip Kumar day and night at the hospital, briefly greeted the paparazzi outside the hospital on Sunday. Saira Banu was pictured waving at the shutterbugs before making her way inside.

Dilip Kumar, 98, was admitted to the Mumbai hospital last week after he complained of breathlessness. On Saturday, Saira Banu had shared this update about the actor's health: "Dilip Kumar Sahab's health is still stable. He is still in ICU, we want to take him home but we are waiting for doctors' approval as they know his medical condition as soon as doctors allow, will take him home. He will not be discharged today. Need prayers of his fans, he will be back soon," reported news agency ANI.