Friday 28 January 2022

Alam, Siddique and Hathras

Alam, Siddique and Hathras 
 
‘Had There Been a Non-Muslim With Us, We Would Not Have Been Arrested’
Also charged with terrorism and sedition, Alam, the taxi driver who took Kerala journalist Siddique Kappan to Hathras last year, is now in legal limbo.
‘Had There Been a Non-Muslim With Us, We Would Not Have Been Arrested’
Tarushi Aswani
COMMUNALISM GOVERNMENT LAW

21/JUN/2021 

New Delhi: For the last nine months, Bushra has been cursing herself every day for not stopping her husband Alam from going to work on October 5, 2020.
That day, Alam, a cab driver with the ride-share company Ola, had been on duty in Greater Noida in the early hours of the morning. By 8 am, he had completed two rides. After that, Bushra and the rest of Alam’s family had heard nothing from him or about him for the rest of the day, until a news telecast that night named him as one of four people arrested at Maant, Uttar Pradesh.

 

“They were telling all kinds of lies on the news. They called him a terrorist, a conspirer and what not,” said Bushra.
Alam, it turned out, had logged out of the Ola system after 8 am to pick up a third ride that would earn him a little more money. The people he had picked up were Siddique Kappan, a journalist from Kerala, and Atiqur Rehman and Masood, two activists of the Campus Front of India, a Muslim students’ organisation. The three men had been headed to Hathras village in Uttar Pradesh where Kappan had planned to report on the case of a Dalit woman who had allegedly been gang-raped and murdered by Thakur caste men.
But Alam’s car had been stopped near the Mathura Toll Plaza by the Uttar Pradesh police and everyone in the vehicle, including Alam, had been arrested and charged under the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) for breaching public peace and tranquility. Two days later, he and his three passengers had been charged with two offences under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) as well as several offences under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and the Information Technology Act (IT Act) and jailed. And ever since then, Alam, Bushra and their family have lived in legal limbo.
‘Law to terrorise’
Every opportunity for Alam’s release since October 5, 2020, has been stymied by yet another chargesheet filed by the UP Police. The case has also been transferred between several police departments, leading to a series of investigative delays.
On October 7 last year, two days after they had been arrested under the CrPC, Alam and his passengers were about to be released by the sub-district magistrate at Maant when the police charged them with offences under the UAPA, IPC and ITA.
The case was then transferred from the Maant police to the crime branch, after which, on October 23, 2020, it was transferred again to the special task force (STF) in Lucknow. Soon after, the STF filed an application to transfer the case to the additional district and sessions judge of Mathura.
Alam. Photo: Special arrangement
On April 3 this year, when 180 days had passed since their incarceration and no evidence had been found against them in that time, the four men were entitled to bail by default. But that very day, the police filed another chargesheet against them before the sessions court. This document charged eight Muslim men, including Alam, Kappan, Rehman and Masood, with the intent to incite caste-based riots between the Dalit and Thakur communities after the gang-rape case in Hathras, with the help of funding from the Popular Front of India (PFI, an Islamist political organisation that has been accused by politicians and police officers of involvement in extremism, even though no government at the Centre or state has so far sought to legally ban it.).
Alam’s advocate, Saifan Sheikh, alleges that the intention of the STF assigned to the case and the UP government is to keep all the accused behind bars to conceal the reality of the situation in Hathras and silence voices that accuse the Yogi Adityanath government of failing to tackle the issue.
“Even the Central Bureau of Investigation confirmed that the victim was raped and murdered and since then there has just been silence on the matter. They [the police] have deliberately added the name of the PFI to the chargesheet to overshadow the rape incident,” said Sheikh.
The chargesheet (SC 600/2021) names four men other than Alam, Kappan, Rehman and Masood in the case. These include Alam’s brother-in-law Danish, who had referred Alam to Rehman on October 5, 2020 when he, Kappan and Masood were looking for a vehicle to take them to Hathras, as well as K.A. Rauf Sherif, the national general secretary of the CFI, and two other CFI activists. The document runs to more 5,000 pages and records the accounts of 54 witnesses, of whom 80% are from the police.
Sheikh claimed that while the prosecution is duty bound to provide a copy of the chargesheet to all the accused and their counsel, none of the accused were provided with the chargesheet in this case. This, he said, is a curtailment of their legal rights and a deliberate measure undertaken to keep them behind bars for as long as possible.
Also read: Article 32: Rights for All or For a Favoured Few?
Currently, all the accused except Danish have been lodged in various Uttar Pradesh jails. Danish might also have been jailed had he not filed a petition stating that the STF had not only named him as an accused but had also called him to appear as a witness in the case.
According to Alam’s counsel Madhuvan Dutt Chaturvedi, while the accused have been charged under the UAPA and with sedition, no evidence suggesting their involvement in any terrorist activity has been found during the investigation.
“The law to prevent terrorism is being used as a law to terrorise people,” Chaturvedi told The Wire. He added that none of accused has committed any activity that threatens the Government of India or the structure of the Constitution of India.
A bail application filed by Alam’s counsel had been rejected on November 13, 2020. On November 7, 2020, the counsel had also filed a habeas corpus writ petition, which is pending for argument and now has been listed for a hearing on July 26. On June 16, the Mathura court dropped three bailable charges against Alam, Kappan, Rehman and Masood. The charges under the CrPC and the IPC were dropped on April 3, when the police failed to complete their probe within the prescribed period of six months. However the UAPA and sedition charges remain.
‘We are not equal’
Since Alam’s arrest, Bushra has been shuttling between her in-laws’ home and her parents’ house, dependent on them and her siblings for financial security. In many ways, she has lost agency over her life.
“Drivery karna kab se gunaah hai? Yaan Muslims ki drivery karna gunaah hai (Since when has driving been a crime? Or is it that driving Muslims is a crime)?” she asked. Formally educated only up to class 8, Bushra has been learning over the last nine months that the very existence of Muslims seems to be a crime.
Aamir, Alam’s brother-in-law, perceives Alam’s arrest as a casualty of the current political and religious climate in Uttar Pradesh. “In this kind of atmosphere, it is very easy to jail anyone,” he said.
He also feels that it is difficult for Muslims to hold institutions accountable for their ills. “Muslims have nowhere to go, no one to fall back on. Even though we are citizens of the country, we are not equal,” he said.
Aamir has had several conversations with Alam over the phone, mostly on the possibility of Alam being freed from jail, he told The Wire. Alam understands the larger scheme of things that frame him for his mere existence as a Muslim, Aamir said. But Alam has also understood something more dangerous.
Aamir quoted Alam as saying: “Sab politics hai, aur isme in policewaale bhi majboor hain (The case is all about politics and even the police are helpless).”
Alam also once suggested to Aamir: “Shayed koi ghair Muslim saath hota toh hum bach jaate (Had there been a non-Muslim with us, we wouldn’t have been arrested).”
Accused of being associated with an organisation that he had never heard of before, only thick chargesheets have taught Alam what PFI stands for.
According to Aamir, Alam’s arrest has changed him. Once a confident, friendly man, Alam has become scared, cynical and distrustful. Having been incarcerated merely for picking up a ride to earn a little extra money, Alam is scared to return to his profession as a driver ever again.
Also read: Muslim Victim’s Family Challenges ‘No Communal Angle’ Claim by UP Police
Alam hails from Rampur in Uttar Pradesh. Earlier a Gramin Seva rickshaw driver, he had bought his car in partnership with another relative in late September, 2020, and had only been driving for Ola for 10 days before he was arrested.
His parents wait desperately for the five-minute phone calls that jails allow their prisoners to make five or six times a week. During those five minutes, they say, they almost glue the phone to their ears to absorb as much of Alam as they can. The tone of his voice, they say, has dulled into deeper and deeper pessimism with every phone call. How long, they wonder, will they survive without seeing their son?
A few days ago, there was some hope. Bushra smiled widely after nine whole months. “The release of Natasha Narwal, Devangana Kalita and Asif Iqbal Tanha has given me hope. Even though my husband has been charged with terrorism, I’m hopeful. All those innocent people who have been caged by the UAPA, I identify with their pain,” she said.
But her smile vanished a day later when the vacation bench of the Supreme Court ruled that the Delhi high court’s order releasing Natasha, Devangana and Asif could not have precedent value.

With loans for legal fees, no money to travel to Mathura to see Alam and the everyday reality of their lived experiences as Muslims in Yogi Adityanath’s UP, Bushra and her in-laws can do little but continue to learn the politics of religion the hard way.

Tarushi Aswani is a freelance journalist based in Delhi. She tweets at @tarushi_aswani.



Hathras ‘conspiracy’ case: Mathura court rejects Kappan’s bail petition
The court has already rejected the bail pleas of the three arrested with the journalist on October 4 at the district’s Maath toll plaza.


By: Express News Service | Lucknow |
July 7, 2021 8:05:54 am
Siddique Kappan, Siddique Kappan news, Siddique Kappan shifted, Siddique Kappan AIIMS, AIIMS Delhi, india news, indian express
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Journalist Siddique Kappan.
A court in Mathura on Tuesday rejected the bail application of journalist Siddique Kappan who was arrested along with three others last October while they were on their way to Hathras to meet the family of a 19-year-old Dalit woman murdered and allegedly gang-raped.
The four were charged with a conspiracy to create a disturbance. Kappan, Atiq-ur-Rahman, Masood Ahmed and Alam are in Mathura jail at present. Kappan had filed the application last month.
“Additional District and Session Judge, Mathura, Anil Kumar Pandey rejected the bail application of Kappan after hearing arguments from both sides,” said Mathura district government counsel Shivram Singh.

The court has already rejected the bail pleas of the three arrested with the journalist on October 4 at the district’s Maath toll plaza. The police recovered six cellphones and a laptop from them. The following day, the police lodged a case against them on various charges, including sedition, and even invoked the stringent Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA).
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The police later booked four more people in the case. In April, they filed a chargesheet against all the eight accused.


Arrested on way to Hathras: Driver among 4 booked for sedition, family says he did not know the others
Trying to ascertain how the four know each other: Mathura SSP


Written by Amil Bhatnagar | Lucknow |
Updated: October 12, 2020 5:09:17 am
UP govt on Siddique Kappan: Had India’s daughter pamphlet, riot plan
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Siddique Kappan (with cap), secretary of the Kerala Union of Working Journalists, and three others who were held with him were produced before a court in Mathura. (PTI)
One of the four people against whom UP police have invoked Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) and sedition charges is a cab driver who was on duty in Greater Noida till Monday morning before being arrested in Mathura hours later.
Alam (30), a resident of Delhi’s Sunder Nagri was arrested on Monday along with journalist Siddique Kappan and Campus Front of India (CFI) office bearers Atiqur Rahman and Masood.
Police have stated in the FIR that the four had connections with the Popular Front of India (PFI) and were allegedly “collecting funds” for creating large-scale “unrest” in the wake of Hathras gangrape incident.

The Indian Express accessed Alam’s driver profile registered with cab aggregator Ola. As per records, Alam had completed a booking in Greater Noida’s Knowledge Park 3 at 7.25 am on Monday after logging in at 6.01 am. The records further showed that he was on duty between October 1 and October 5, on which day he was arrested. Except on October 2, Alam clocked in more than 5 hours average of duty in the five days before he was arrested. On Monday, he had logged out of the system at 8.10 am, records show.
An Ola spokesperson confirmed to The Indian Express that Alam was attached to the platform but said the ride to Hathras was not booked through its app.
“The four accused were arrested while they were on their way to Hathras. They have not given us much information. We are trying to ascertain how the four accused know each other. Every other aspect is also a matter of investigation and further light can only be thrown once facts have been gathered,” said SSP Mathura Dr Gaurav Grover, when asked about Alam.
Alam hails from Rampur and had shifted to Delhi more than 10 years ago. While in Rampur, he worked as an embroidery craftsman in a local market. In the capital, he started working as a driver. His family members say he started driving a cab registered with Ola and owned by a relative, Anis, merely a week before he was arrested.
“His (Alam) only fault was to ferry them to Hathras. He did not know them previously. In fact, he was wearing his driver’s uniform when he was arrested. If I give a lift to a policeman, does that make one a policeman? Similarly if someone is guilty of something, he wouldn’t have known,” said Bushra (27), Alam’s wife.
According to Alam’s family, he would leave early in the morning to clock in extra hours for extra income. Before he was arrested, Alam had called Bushra, stating that he had reached Greater Noida; after that his phone remained unreachable. “He was not aware of the details of the Hathras incident. Why would he be on duty all day if he had to be involved in some conspiracy?” asked Bushra.
“We will move a bail application in the next two days. He is a driver and has done nothing. He was just ferrying them to Hathras. We will present his driver records. We will try our best to get Alam some relief from the court,” said Sheik Moulali Basha, Alam’s lawyer.





A cab driver from India’s capital who went to jail because he is Muslim
RUSHDA FATHIMA KHAN
Mohammad Alam
“Don’t worry, everything will be fine soon”, Alam’s wife Bushra said as she walked hurriedly alongside him while he was being taken by the police to be produced in court in December last year. Nine months after his arrest, the 30-year-old cab driver is still in jail. 
Mohammad Alam was arrested in October 2020 along with three others- journalist Siddique Kappan, Campus Front of India (CFI) office-bearers Atiqur Rahman and Masood Ahmad while they were on their way to Hathras in Uttar Pradesh to report on the rape and killing of a Dalit woman which had triggered nationwide outrage and visit the family members of deceased.
Alam was ferrying them to the location. 
Last week, a Mathura court dropped charges against them relating to apprehensions of breach of peace while stating that the police failed to complete the inquiry against them within the prescribed period of six months.
However, all of them remain in jail due to charges under the draconian Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA).
“He will be released whenever Allah wills,” Alam’s wife Bushra told Maktoob, adding that the lawyers have been trying their best. “He has not committed any crime. I am hopeful he will be back, but I don’t know how long it will take. Only Allah knows” she said. 
‘We are being targetted only because we are Muslim’
According to his family, Alam did not know the other accused previously. “On October 5, Atiqur Rahman called Alam asking him to ferry them to Hathras, my husband did not know him then,” Bushra said. 
“He knew about the Hathras gangrape incident as it was making headlines then. But he did not know why the passengers wanted to visit Hathras,” she added. 
Alam’s arrest came as a shock to his family. “It was a normal day. He had completed a few rounds in the morning, as usual. He would usually call me around lunchtime and ask if I had eaten but that day he didn’t call. I kept trying but couldn’t reach him,” Bushra recounted.
According to her, journalist Siddique Kappan had told the police that they would return back if the police didn’t want them to visit Hathras. “They were willing to return, but the officials still took them for interrogation. Why would they do this when they didn’t mind going back?” she asked, adding, “we are being targetted only because we are Muslim.” 
While Alam and the three others were on their way to Hathras, they were arrested by the UP Police and have remained in jail since October 7 last year. 
“We talk every day for 2-5 min,” Bushra said. “Calls are usually recorded. He doesn’t complain or say anything much about the jail conditions. Of course, he’s in a bad state, it’s a jail.”
Bushra and Alam have been married for about a year and a half. “We had many plans for the future. Things had started to go well for us. He had recently got a cab and had started working for Ola. He would leave early and come back home around 10pm, after which we would talk for a while,” Bushra resentfully recounted.
She now lives with her parents and siblings, dependent on them for financial security. “I visit my in-laws and sometimes they visit me. We are all well. But there are financial issues due to the lockdown”, she said. 
Alam hails from Rampur and had shifted to Delhi more than 10 years ago. While in Rampur, he worked as an embroidery craftsman in a local market. In the capital, he started working as a driver for the past 8 years. Anis, his relative, had recently bought him a cab so that it would make his profession easier if he had his own vehicle. However, days later, Alam was arrested. 
‘Deliberate measure to keep them behind bars’
On October 7 last year, two days after they had been arrested under the CrPC, Alam and his passengers were about to be released by the sub-district magistrate at Maant. Hours later, the police charged them with stringent offences under the UAPA, IPC and ITA.
The case was then transferred from the Maant police to the Crime Branch, after which, on October 23, 2020, it was transferred again to the Special Task Force (STF) in Lucknow. 
On April 3 this year, after 180 days had passed since their incarceration and no evidence had been found against them, the four men were entitled to bail by default. But on the same day, the STF filed a charge sheet against 8 accused- Alam, Kappan, Atiqur Rahman and Masood who were arrested on their way to Hathras and Danish – Alam’s relative, Rauf Shareef, national general secretary of the CFI, and CFI activists- Ansar Badruddin and Firoz Khan. Only Danish has been released. 
Advocate Saifan said that the defence lawyers and accused were not given a copy of the charge sheet. “We don’t even know what charges have been filed. We have been waiting since April”.
Referring to the 5000-page charge sheet filed by the STF, he said that the Additional District Judge, Mathura took cognizance of the charge sheet without verification. “After taking cognizance, according to the law, it is mandatory that the charge sheet copy be sent to the defence lawyer or accused, free of charge. They haven’t done this.”
They are citing COVID reasons, he said, adding “They will take remand during COVID, they will arrest during COVID, why don’t they give a copy of the charge sheet? This is a deliberate measure to keep them behind bars for as long as possible.”
The UP Police, in their FIR, had stated the four had connections with the Popular Front of India (PFI) and were allegedly “collecting funds” for creating large-scale “unrest” in the wake of the Hathras gang-rape incident. The PFI is a legal organisation that has not been banned under the UAPA.
They were charged under sections 153A (promoting enmity between groups…), 295A (outraging religious feelings), 124A (sedition), 120B (conspiracy) of IPC and under the IT Act.
Subsequently, they were booked under sections 17, 18 (raising funds for terrorist act) of UAPA alleging that they were trying to incite communal riots and disrupt social harmony in the wake of the Hathras gangrape-murder case. They remain in Mathura jail under these charges.


\‘PFI link, anti-CAA, riot intention’ — What Kerala journalist headed to Hathras is accused of
Kerala journalist Siddique Kappan was arrested on 5 October along with three others. After Arnab Goswami’s bail, Kappan’s wife is now hopeful of bail for him too.
ANANYA BHARDWAJ
16 November, 2020 08:50 am IST
A file photo of Siddique Kappan. | Photo: Twitter/@vssanakan
A file photo of Siddique Kappan, who was arrested during an assignment | Photo: Twitter/@vssanakan
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New Delhi: An “intention” to start a riot, funds collected from “known, unknown sources”, association with Muslim organisation Popular Front of India (PFI) and a history of “organising demonstrations to protest against the citizenship amendment act (CAA)” — this is what the Uttar Pradesh Police has against Kerala journalist Siddique Kappan and two others booked under sedition and terror charges last month.
Siddique, along with Atiq-ur-Rahman and Masood Ahmed, both office-bearers of the Campus Front of India, the student wing of PFI, and a man identified as Alam were arrested on 5 October while on their way to Hathras to report on the alleged gang rape and murder case that made national headlines. 

The arrested men have since been in a jail in Mathura due to the stringent Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) invoked against them. According to the police, all four are part of the PFI. However, the organisation is not banned in India.
Following his arrest, the Kerala Union of Working Journalists (KUWJ) filed a habeas corpus petition challenging Siddique’s custody but Chief Justice of India S.A. Bobde did not entertain the plea. Bobde asked the KUWJ to amend the writ petition. During the hearing, the union was also asked to approach the Allahabad High Court for relief.
The KUWJ then filed an interim application in a Mathura court seeking a video conference between Siddique and his family and lawyer as a meeting is required to amend the petition. But the chief judicial magistrate of Mathura rejected this.
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Soon after, the union filed an application in the top court challenging the Mathura court’s order, seeking that the lawyer be allowed to meet Siddique either physically or via video conference. An additional application was also filed in the Supreme Court for bail.
Both the applications are up for hearing Monday.
ThePrint has accessed court records, including the initial remand application, court orders and police records, including case diaries, to piece together the case and evidence against the journalist.

Also read: Arrest of Kerala journalist, 3 others UP govt’s move to hide Hathras case failures, CFI says
A ‘confession’ statement, ‘link to PFI’ cited as evidence
The Uttar Pradesh Police claims to have strong evidence against the four men — Athikur Rehman, Alam, Siddique and Masood — to show that they wanted to “start a riot in Hathras on the basis of caste, as they had done in the past during opposition to CAA on the basis of religion”.
For this, the police claims the men collected money from a number of “known, unknown sources” through “print and electronic means”.
The evidence placed on record to prove these allegations, however, are: a confession statement to the police (not admissible in court) that the four are members of PFI/CFI; their past association with organising and covering the anti CAA protests; an alleged link with members of the banned outfit SIMI; and some “media reports suggesting” that anti-social elements were trying to initiate a riot in Uttar Pradesh.
According to the police, the men created some websites and used the Hathras incident to create a “caste dispute” by projecting the alleged gang rape as a caste crime.
In a remand application last month, the police told the court that it was convinced about a “large conspiracy” behind these four men’s visit to Hathras and has enough evidence to book them for “raising funds for terrorist act”, sedition, promoting enmity between groups, and for “malicious acts, intending to outrage religious feelings”.
“The men admitted that they are members of PFI/CFI and during the investigation it was found that they had relations with former members of banned organisation SIMI and we have their statements,” a senior police officer told ThePrint.
“In the past, these men created various websites and pages on the internet in protest against the CAA and incited violence. Using the Hathras episode, the men wanted to spread communal disharmony. We have made a list of those and are probing them,” the officer said.
The police also told the court that the men were operating a website called carrd.co and printed pamphlets like “AM I NOT INDIAS DAUGHTER” to provoke a mass rebellion, funds for which were allegedly being pumped in by “foreign countries”, a claim that has been denied by Siddique’s family.



Riots planned in Hathras after CAA plan failed: UP Police charge sheet against Kappan, 7 others
The charge sheet, filed by the UP Police's Special Task Force, says Kerala journalist Siddique Kappan and other accused were receiving funding from foreign sources, including Muscat.
APOORVA MANDHANI
13 April, 2021 07:27 pm IST

Kerala journalist Siddique Kappan | @vssanakan | Twitter
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New Delhi: A ‘secret workshop’ in Kerala, foreign funding, 55 witnesses and literature from a banned organisation — these are some of the things presented as evidence in the 5,000-page charge sheet filed against Kerala journalist Siddique Kappan and seven others by the Uttar Pradesh Police.
A five-member team of UP Police’s Special Task Force (STF) filed the charge sheet in a Mathura court on 3 April against Kappan, Atiq-ur-Rahman, Masood Ahmed, Alam, K.A. Rauf Sharif, Mohammad Danish, Ansad Badruddin and Firoz Khan that accuses them of sedition and allegedly attempting to incite violence in the state.

Kappan was arrested on 5 October 2020, along with Rahman, Ahmad, and Alam, while he was on his way to Hathras to report on the alleged gang rape and death of a Dalit woman. It notes that when the accused were arrested, the police seized 1,717 printed papers, six smartphones and a laptop from them.
The charge sheet has been filed under sections 124A (sedition), 153A (promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, etc) and 295A (deliberate and malicious acts, intended to outrage reli­gious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or reli­gious beliefs) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), along with provisions of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) and the Information Technology Act.
It also lists 55 witnesses, of which over 40 are police personnel, and relies on electronic evidence.

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Furthermore, Kappan’s WhatsApp data and mobile location and Sharif’s statement has been cited to claim that a ‘secret workshop’ was organised by Kerala-based radical organisation Popular Front of India (PFI), in September last year.
According to the charge sheet, it was in this workshop that the accused were asked to commit violent acts under the guise of any criminal, communal and class conflict in Uttar Pradesh. It added that this was done after attempts to create communal disharmony through protests against Citizenship Amendment Act-National Register of Citizens failed in the state.
The court has set 1 May as the next date for hearing the case.

Also read: Shantanu Muluk created farmers toolkit, intended to spread rumours: Delhi Police to court
SIMI literature, foreign funding
The UP Police’s charge sheet alleges that the accused were receiving funding from foreign sources, including Muscat, and were on their way to Hathras on the directives of the PFI.
The charge sheet alleges that Kappan received Rs 25,000 in his bank account on 15 September last year and Rs 20,000 a day before he was arrested, from the radical organisation.

Similar cash deposits were made to the bank accounts of some of the other accused, the police said.
They also claimed to have seized explosives from Ansad Badruddin and Firoz Khan, who were arrested from Lucknow in February, on terror charges.
The charge sheet cites certain documents obtained from Kappan’s laptop as well. These include “an article written in support of terrorist Gulzar Ahmed Wani”, a video clip made with a photo of the Hathras victim’s cremation, several write-ups on the Delhi riots, and literature on the ideology of banned terrorist organisation, SIMI (Students Islamic Movement of India).
Kappan’s mobile data has been cited to allege that the authorities have obtained incriminating chats between him and several PFI leaders.
Also read: In India, sedition law is the ‘toolkit’ to suppress dissent and criticism
‘Accused part of PFI, evidence shows intent to cause riots’
The charge sheet also claimed that, among other things, the papers seized from the accused detailed steps that should be taken during riots to ensure that rioters are not identified. This, it said, showed their criminal intent to cause riots.
The police also noted that the evidence collected so far shows that the accused were being sent to Hathras as part of a larger conspiracy to create “a feeling of dissatisfaction among the Dalits”, inducing them to indulge in class struggle and provoking violence.
Masood Ahmed, it said, has been posed as “an aggressive member of the PFI who brainwashes young boys into committing violent riots”.
Meanwhile, Mohammad Danish, also an accused in the Delhi riots case, and his relative Alam, a taxi driver, has also been chargesheeted as an accused in this case.
According to the charge sheet, Alam bought a taxi on 24 September 2020 — days before his arrest — by paying Rs 2.25 lakh in cash, aided by PFI and the co-accused.
While he was an OLA driver, he was driving along with the other accused to Hathras on the day that they were arrested. This, the charge sheet noted, proves that he was a part of the conspiracy.
K.A. Rauf Sharif, national general secretary of Campus Front of India (CFI), the student wing of the PFI, has also been named as an accused. The charge sheet alleged that Sharif was using a sim card with a fake name for a bank account, income tax registration and social media.
It also cites content seized from PFI’s Delhi office, which was “communally sensitive” and had the potential to “instigate religious sentiments among Muslims”. The UP STF had conducted searches at PFI’s Shaheen Bagh office in February this year.
Habeas corpus pending for 6 months
A day after Kappan’s arrest on 5 October last year, the Kerala Union of Working Journalists (KUWJ) had filed a habeas corpus petition, challenging his custody.
The petition argued that the arrest was illegal and unconstitutional and contended that Kappan’s detention violates his fundamental rights under articles 14 (right to equality), 19 (freedom of speech and expression) and 21 (right to life) of the Constitution.
However, this habeas corpus has been pending before the apex court for over six months now, along with his regular bail application that was filed more than five months ago.
He was granted a five-day interim bail to meet his ailing 90-year-old mother, earlier in February.
Meanwhile, the accused have filed an application in a Mathura court, seeking a direction to drop all proceedings in the case in absence of a prosecution sanction against them.
Also read: Expressing views different from govt’s not sedition — SC rejects plea against Farooq Abdullah
 
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TAGSHathrasSeditionSiddique Kappan
‘Filmed, watched from terrace’: How Delhi locality let ‘gang rape’ victim be paraded, didn't help
Victim was abducted, 'gangraped', assaulted, tonsured, had shoes flung around her neck and her face tarred, then paraded. The Shahdara neighbours jeered and hooted.
ThePrint



Hathras case: ED files money laundering chargesheet against journalist Siddique Kappan, four others
A Lucknow special court has issued summons to the five accused for appearing before it on March 18, according to reports.
Scroll Staff
Feb 12, 2021 · 09:03 am
Updated Feb 12, 2021 · 09:05 am
Hathras case: ED files money laundering chargesheet against journalist Siddique Kappan, four others
File photo of Kerala journalist Siddique Kappan.
The Enforcement Directorate on Thursday filed its first chargesheet against office-bearers of the Popular Front of India and its students’ wing Campus Front of India, accusing its members of wanting to “incite communal riots and spread terror” in the aftermath of the rape and murder of a Dalit woman in Uttar Pradesh’s Hathras in September, PTI reported.
The chargesheet filed under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act named journalist Siddique Kappan and three other people allegedly related to PFI and CFI – Atikur Rahman, Masud Ahmed and Mohammad Alam – who were detained on October 5 while travelling to meet the family of the Dalit woman was gangraped by four upper-caste men. The chargesheet mentioned KA Rauf Sherif, also allegedly linked to the two organisations, reported the Hindustan Times.
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The chargesheet has been accepted by a special court in Lucknow. The court has issued summons to the five accused for appearing before it on March 18, unidentified officials told PTI.
In a statement, the ED said that the agency’s inquiry revealed that more than Rs 100 crore have been deposited in the accounts of PFI over the years, a large part which being in cash, according to the Hindustan Times. It further added that illegal activities of the PFI and CFI also included funding protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act, creating trouble that led to the communal violence in Delhi in February 2020, and attempts to disturb harmony in Hathras.
Popular Front of India is a Kerala-based organisation that the Uttar Pradesh government has sought to be banned for its alleged involvement in violence during the protests against the contentious Citizenship Amendment Act.
The Enforcement Directorate said its probe found “that the visit [to Hathras] of these PFI/CFI members was under the instructions of Rauf Sherif and funds for the same were also provided by him”, PTI reported.

Making its case for money laundering, the chargesheet alleged that Rauf Sherif entered into a criminal conspiracy with PFI members stationed in Gulf countries “to fraudulently transfer money raised/collected abroad by PFI in the guise of payments related to business transactions”, according to PTI.
Kappan and the three others who were detained along with him are already facing charges under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and other provisions of the Indian Penal Code, including sedition.




Hathras case: S ..
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/86689493.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst


Mohammad Alam, a cab driver from Delhi was one of the four people arrested in October 2020 along with journalist Siddique Kappan, Campus Front of India (CFI) office-bearers Atikur Rahman and Masood Ahmad while they were on their way to Hathras in Uttar Pradesh to report on the rape and killing of a Dalit woman.
Listen to Bushra Alam, the wife of Alam, as she narrates her family's ordeal on the first anniversary of her husband's incarceration under UAPA.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FGNTahe9pGs




Image Credits: Aajkal, Twitter TRENDING The Logical Indian Crew Journalist Siddique Kappan, Three Others Discharged Of Breach Of Peace Case By UP Court Writer: Anuran Sadhu Uttar Pradesh,  16 Jun 2021 6:55 PM | Updated 16 Jun 2021 6:58 PM Editor : Ankita Singh |  Creatives : Ankita Singh Siddique Kappan and three others were arrested on their way to Hathras and were charged under the apprehension of causing a breach of peace but were later slapped with charges of sedition and violation of UAPA and IT Act. Journalist Siddique Kappan and three others who were detained on their way to meet the Hathras victim's family on charges related to "breach of peace" have been discharged after eight months. The Sub Divisional Magistrate of Mant dropped the charges against them after the police failed to complete the investigation within the prescribed six-month period. Kappan (41), Atiqur Rahman (28), Masood Ahmed (28) and Mohd Alam (37) - the four allegedly linked to the Popular Front of India (PFI) were arrested on October 5, 2020, while they were on their way to meet the family of the 19-year old Dalit woman in Hathras who was allegedly gang-raped by men from a higher caste and later died due to the injuries. FIR Under UAPA The Sub Division Magistrate of Mant, Ram Dutt Ram discharged the four accused arrested under the Criminal Procedure Code Section 151 (Arrest to prevent the commission of cognizable offences), Section 107 (Security for keeping the peace in other cases) and Section 116 (Inquiry as to the truth of information), according to the defence counsel Madhuban Datt Chaturvedi. "Police couldn't provide evidence to substantiate charges of breach of peace within six months since the case began," Chaturvedi told The Times of India. The four accused, who has been in jail since October 7, have also been booked under Section 153A (promoting enmity between groups), Section 295A (outraging religious feelings), Section 124A (sedition), Section 120B (conspiracy) of IPC, Section 17 (Punishment for raising funds for terrorist act) and Section 18 ( Punishment for conspiracy) of Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and under the Information and Technology Act. These charges still stand. Siddique Kappan Moved Supreme Court According to the UP Police, the four men were on their way to Hathras to disrupt peace and stroke unrest. Siddique Kappan's family and the Kerala Union of Working Journalists (KUWJ) have called the accusations 'false' and 'frivolous', as reported by The News Minute. In April of this year, Siddique Kappan's family moved to the Supreme Court, alleging that Kappan was being mistreated in the hospital after he tested positive for COVID-19. Later Supreme Court ordered the UP Government to shift him from a Mathura hospital to a government hospital in Delhi. He was admitted to AIIMS Delhi and later discharged on May 7. Later, he was brought back to Mathura Central Jail.
https://thelogicalindian.com/trending/journalist-siddique-kappan-and-three-others-discharged-of-breach-of-peace-case-by-up-court-28950



Journalist and three others, arrested on their way to Hathras, booked for sedition in U.P.
Omar RashidLUCKNOW, OCTOBER 07, 2020 14:12 IST
UPDATED: OCTOBER 07, 2020 23:42 IST
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Journalist Siddique Kappan and three others are escorted to a court in Mathura on October 7, 2020.   | Photo Credit: PTI
Yogi Adityanath vows action against “conspirators” over Hathras.
The Uttar Pradesh police on Wednesday booked journalist Siddique Kappan from Kerala and three others, who were arrested on Monday on their way to Hathras, for sedition and other charges. 
The four were produced before a local court, which sent them in judicial remand. “Further action will be taken after collection of evidence in the investigation,” said Mathura SSP Gaurav Grover.
An FIR lodged against them at the Mant police station charges them under Section 124A (sedition) of the Indian Penal Code, Sections 14 and 17 of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), 1967; Sections 65, 72 and 76 of the Information Technology Act, for promoting enmity between groups and outraging religious feelings. Section 17 of the UAPA deals with raising funds for terrorist acts. 
The four were taken into custody at a toll plaza in Mathura when they were travelling in a car from Delhi to Hathras, the police said. The car was stopped after the police found their activities “suspicious”.

Besides Mr. Kappan, a journalist working with Malayalam portals based in Delhi, the other three were identified as Ateeq-ur-Rehman of Muzaffarnagar, Masood Ahmed of Bahraich and Alam of Rampur. While Mr. Ahmed and Rehman are research scholars, Mr. Alam was the driver of the car, said Ansar Indori, their lawyer.

In the FIR, sub-inspector Prabal Singh accuses the four of carrying pamphlets reading ‘Justice for Hathras Victim’ and moving towards the district to disrupt peace as part of a “big conspiracy”.
Website creation
The FIR alleged that they, along with unidentified others, were linked to a crime involving the creation of an Internet platform carrd.co and website named ‘justiceforhathras’ with the motive of gathering foreign funds to trigger caste riots.
The pamphlets recovered from the four, reading: ‘Am I not India’s Daughter, Made With Carrd’, could spread social discord and mass rebellion, the police said.
Police recovered six mobile phones and a laptop from the four.
The FIR stated that as per media reports, some “anti-social elements” were trying to trigger riots and spread caste tension and adversely impact communal harmony over the Hathras incident.
It said some people were gathering funds for spreading caste fear and triggering riots by planning events and protests.
The organisers of carrd.co were collecting foreign donations to trigger riots, the police said, adding that no legal procedure was followed in collecting these funds thus making their worthy of being seized.
“Such websites are evoking anti-national feelings among the youth”, the FIR stated and accused the platform of engaging in anti-constitutional activities.
The FIR said organisations and workers linked to the said website were using it to “spread rumours about the alleged gang rape incident” to raise funds and provoke caste violence and riots under the garb of providing justice. “Who created the website and with what goal, how much funds were so far collected and where have they been used would all be investigated”, police said.
4 linked to PFI: police
The police, after arresting the four persons, had claimed they were linked to the Popular Front of India (PFI), an outfit blamed by the State government for the violence during the protests against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act last December.
The PFI said the attempt to link it to a conspiracy to incite caste or communal violence “is completely baseless and ridiculous”.
In a fresh statement, it said, “The new rounds of allegation against Popular Front are nothing but an attempt by the Uttar Pradesh government to divert the attention away from its failure to handle the Hathras rape case”.
CM’s warning
Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, who had said that those who don't like development wanted to trigger caste and communal riots, asked people to “recognise those faces doing politics on the body of a poor [Dalit girl]”.
“We won't let any conspiracy succeed and all the conspirators will be unmasked. We will take strong action against such elements who want to spread caste discord and anarchy, and disrupt development”, he said.

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A year after arrest, release sought of Siddique, 3 others in Hathras case
Marking one year of their arrest on October 5, Campus Front of India urged the immediate release of Kappan, Atiqur Rahman, Masid Ahmed and a cab driver Alam
Wednesday October 6, 2021 8:58 AM, IANS

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Siddique Kappan
[Image for representation.]
New Delhi: It became one year on Tuesday since journalist Siddique Kappan along with three others was sent to jail after being arrested under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) following the rape and murder of a Dalit girl in Hathras, Uttar Pradesh.
Marking one year of their arrest on October 5, Campus Front of India urged the immediate release of Kappan, Atiqur Rahman, Masid Ahmed and a cab driver Alam.

 
During a press conference, Dr L Hanumanthai MP, Rajya Sabha, from Karnataka said that if the people of India will not speak against the draconian law democracy will be gradually destroyed.
Urging the release of Kappan, he said:
"Our forefathers had not sacrificed their lives to see the current situation in India where people are being arrested and punished without any unlawful activities. People are being targeted in the name of religion and caste and this Hathras case is one such example. "
He said the UAPA Act should be scrapped because many innocent people are spending years of their lives behind bars.
"Under UAPA, getting bail is impossible. I had even raised this issue during the last Parliament session and demanded scrapping of UAPA Act."
 

Apoorvanand, Professor in Delhi University who was also present at the press conference, said that the Uttar Pradesh Police has filed a chargesheet of 5,000 pages, but the same was not provided to them.
He said the student organisation Campus Front of India leaders decided to show solidarity with the family's quest for justice.
"Every citizen of India has the right to show solidarity with victims and their families. During Kappan's arrest the UP Police said he is not a journalist but now in their chargesheet the police had stated that the kind of journalism he has been doing for the last several years is favourable to the Muslim community, inciting Muslim people against the country. It means UP Police has accepted that he was a journalist."
Sanchita Rehman, wife of Atiqur Rehman, who was also present on the occasion, said:
"In the last one year we have made several appeals that he should be taken to AIIMS for his treatment as doctors have already said but UP police did not listen to us. Today, I would request the people of India to support us. My husband did nothing wrong but he was falsely implicated by the UP government."

2 Months & Counting: Hathras UAPA Accused Wait to Get Charge Sheet
“The law states that the accused must get a copy of the charge sheet ‘without delay’. Is 2 months not delay enough?”
AISHWARYA S IYER
Updated: 02 Jun 2021, 10:00 AM IST
INDIA
5 min read
“The law states that the accused must get a copy of the charge sheet ‘without delay’. Is 2 months not delay enough?”
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In ‘blatant violation of the fundamental right to a fair trial’ under Section 207 of the CRPC, which mandates that a copy of the charge sheet be provided to the accused ‘without delay’, eight UAPA accused booked in the aftermath of the Hathras rape-murder case have not been supplied the copy even two months after a Mathura court took cognisance of it, The Quint has learnt.
Of the eight accused, four men, Siddique Kappan, Atiq-ur Rehman, Masood Ahmed and Alam, were booked by UP police on their way to the Dalit victim’s home in west UP, on the allegation of a “very determined design to create caste divide and disturb the law and order situation.” Of the remaining four Rauf Sharif, Firoze and Ansad Badruddin, were arrested later, while another accused Danish has not been arrested as he moved Allahabad HC against coercive action.
The men have maintained their innocence and said they were on their way as journalists to report on the matter or as activists to sympathise with them.
This violation continues despite attempts by their families and lawyers to get the court to provide them a copy of the charge sheet. “The law states the accused must get a copy of the charge sheet ‘without delay’. Is 2 months not delay enough?,” the lawyers ask.
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Lawyer: ‘Worried Police Would Add or Subtract Evidence’
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Illegal, Immoral: Lawyer on Siddique Kappan’s Discharge From AIIMS
Illegal, Immoral: Lawyer on Siddique Kappan’s Discharge From AIIMS
UP police have booked the men under Section 120B (criminal conspiracy), 153 A (promoting enmity between different groups), 295 A (deliberate acts intended to outrage religious feelings of any class), 124 A (sedition) of the IPC, 65 and 72 of the IT Act and 17 (punishment for raising funds for a terrorist act) and 18 (punishment for conspiracy) of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.
Mathura-based advocate Madhuvandatt Chaturvedi, who is the lawyer for seven of the eight UAPA accused, other than Kappan, tells The Quint from Mathura:
“I have lived and worked as an advocate in these courts for 30 years. The UP Police knows the charges are not frame-worthy. They know they do not have the evidence or material to back the charges of UAPA and sedition. Therefore, they want the accused to stay in jail and the longer accused like Kappan and others spend in jail, the more the police will see it as their success.”
After the court took cognisance of the charge sheet on 3 April, the judge fixed the next date of hearing to about a month later on 1 May. “The judge issued no order stating the accused must get a copy of the charge sheet,” Chaturvedi says. In the interim he started getting worried about the police adding or deleting information to the charge sheet. “So we kept reiterating how we wanted the court to do an indexing, to ensure pages are numbered,” he said adding that this would mean the police can not hamper with the evidence submitted.
In the meanwhile, Kappan’s lawyer, Wills Mathews kept sending emails of inquiries to the official ID of the Mathura court. “We did not get any response for a month,” he said adding that whatever he got to know about the case then, was through media reports.
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Attempt 1: Inspection Application Filed
Considering how he would not get access to the charge sheet anytime soon, Chaturvedi submitted an inspection application with the concerned department of the judiciary to at least be able to see the charge sheet.
Alam (centre) and Siddique Kappan (right) in police custody. Photo: PTI/Files


Siddique Kappan case: Scribe's lawyer to knock Allahabad HC door now
Journalist Siddique Kappan and his associates Atigque-Ur-Rahman, Masood Ahemad and Alam were arrested on October 5, 2020 when they were proceeding towards Hathras village.

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Published: 17th December 2021 10:47 AM  |   Last Updated: 17th December 2021 10:47 AM  |  A+A A-
Journalist Siddique KappanJournalist Siddique Kappan (Photo| Facebook)By PTI
MATHURA: The transfer of trial in the case against journalist Siddique Kappan and others from a court here to a special court in Lucknow was done without following due procedure, their lawyer said on Thursday and added that they will appeal in the high court against it.

Defense counsel Madhuban Datt Chaturvedi said the judge transferred the matter to the special NIA (National Investigation Agency) court in Lucknow without assigning any reason for rejecting the plea of the defense counsel.

The Mathura court transferred the matter on December 13.

"Since set procedure was not followed, our clients have decided to appeal in the high court," the defense counsel said.

Journalist Siddique Kappan and his associates Atigque-Ur-Rahman, Masood Ahemad and Alam were arrested on October 5, 2020 when they were proceeding towards Hathras village where a 19-year-old woman died after allegedly being gang-raped.

They were arrested on the apprehension of causing a breach of peace but later slapped with stringent charges of sedition and provisions of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.

Four others arrested separately were also included in the case.

Police have alleged that they were part of the Popular Front of India (PFI).

Wednesday 19 January 2022

'US Congress Must Pass Resolution Warning India On Genocide': Gregory Stanton

  'US Congress Must Pass Resolution Warning India On Genocide': Gregory Stanton

The founding president of Genocide Watch tells Karan Thapar that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has a moral obligation to denounce hate speech.


Watch | 'US Congress Must Pass Resolution Warning India On Genocide': Gregory Stanton

Karan Thapar and Gregory Stanton. Photo: The Wire


Karan Thapar

Karan Thapar

GOVERNMENTRIGHTSVIDEO

11 HOURS AGO

One week after briefing the US Congress, where he warned “genocide could very well happen in India”, Gregory Stanton, the founding president of Genocide Watch, has said he’s asked “the US Congress to pass a resolution that warns genocide should not be allowed to occur in India”. Stanton also said: “(President Joe) Biden should tell (Prime Minister Narendra) Modi if genocide occurs it will require us to re-assess all our relations with India.”


In a 28-minute interview with Karan Thapar for The Wire, Stanton said that although his organisation, Genocide Watch, does not rank countries, the US Holocaust Memorial Museum believes that, after Pakistan, India is the second most likely country for a genocide to happen.



In the interview, Stanton said “the early warning signs of (genocide) are present in India.” Referring to Genocide Watch’s ’10 stages of genocide’, he said several of them had been fulfilled in India. The ones he identified are classification (distinguishing between people as us and them and othering them), symbolisation (identifying people by the clothes they wear or calling them abba jaan), discrimination (the Citizenship Amendment Act), dehumanisation (calling them termites and telling them to go to Pakistan) and polarisation (accusing them of ‘love jihad’ and discriminatory laws against inter-marriage). On top of all this, he said there have been actual calls for genocide which, he added, is akin to genocide under the Genocide Convention, to which India is a signatory.



Stanton said “just because a country is a democracy it’s not impossible for a genocide to happen” and cited the US’s own example where, he said, genocide has been carried out against native Americans and also against African Americans.


He said whilst it’s not his case that genocide is happening in India at the moment, his fear is that the stages that lead to genocide, what he calls the early warning signs, have occurred. “Genocide is not an event, it’s a process. It develops,” he said.


Stanton said if genocide happens “it won’t be the state but mobs that will carry it out.”


Speaking specifically about Prime Minister Modi, Stanton said he has told the US Congress that he believes the Modi encouraged the 2002 massacre and has also used anti-Muslim rhetoric to build his political base. “He has a record (and) he has to answer,” he said. “He needs to be accountable.”


Speaking about the prime minister’s silence – a month has passed since the Dharma Sansad was held in Haridwar – Stanton said: “He is the prime minister of India. He is the leader of the country. He has a moral obligation to denounce hate speech.” He added, “Leaders have a responsibility to not remain silent.”


Asked by The Wire how he interprets Modi’s silence, Stanton quoted Martin Luther King Jr, who said, “We will know who is against us not by what they are saying but by their silence.”


Asked if he was saying Modi’s silence damns him, Stanton replied: “It sure does.”



In 1989, Stanton forewarned the president of Rwanda that maintaining ethnicity on identity cards would ensure genocide occurs. Five years later, that is precisely what happened. In the interview, Stanton gives details of the warning he gave the Rwanda government and the president’s response.


The above is a paraphrased precis of Gregory Stanton’s interview with Karan Thapar for The Wire. Although recounted from memory, it is not inaccurate. However, please see the full interview for a better understanding of Stanton’s views and arguments.

Sunday 16 January 2022

Narsinghanand, Jitendra Narayan Singh Tyagi and Waseem Rizvi

 Narsinghanand Has Called for Murder and Genocide. So Why Isn't He Behind Bars Yet?

By choosing to focus on this militant Hindutva politician's blasphemous statements rather than his repeated incitement of violence, the media and Muslims have made it easier for the police and political class to do nothing.


Narsinghanand Has Called for Murder and Genocide. So Why Isn't He Behind Bars Yet?

Hindutva leader Yati Narsinghanand Saraswati.


Alishan Jafri and Apoorvanand

COMMUNALISMRIGHTS

10/APR/2021

It is reported that a Muslim youth has been arrested for posting a video threatening to assassinate the hardline Hindutva politician Narsinghanand. And the police in Pilibhit, Uttar Pradesh have registered a case against more than 100 people after they staged a protest against Narsinghanand for having insulted Prophet Muhammad.


Normally, what the police has done in these two cases would be considered the right thing to do. If someone makes an open threat to kill a person, he needs to be taken seriously and restrained from acting on his threat. So, an arrest in such a situation is a preventive measure or preemptive step. This action also sends a message to others who might be tempted to follow the threat, either by repeating it or acting on it.


If 100 people gather together, disregarding norms set by the government to prevent the spread of the coronavirus, the police cannot be faulted for booking them.


But how should one react to these punitive measures when there is total passivity on the part of the law and order machinery in the face of serial threats of violence issued by people like Narsinghanand? Their threat is directed against an entire community.


Narsinghanand came to Delhi, addressed a press conference and used abusive language against Mohammad and Islam. He calls the former president of India, APJ Abdul Kalam, a ‘jihadi’ and laments the fact that India’s Muslims were not expelled or exterminated at the time of partition. He has actually given multiple calls to murder Muslims. He has many followers. They have also issued threats to Muslims and exhorted Hindus to cleanse India of Muslims.



Narsinghanand is the latest addition to the list of those who are presented – by their followers and by a section of the media – as bona fide religious personalities but who are nothing but preachers of hate and violence against Muslims and other minorities.


How is it that they are left free to spread hatred? What explains the tolerance of the police to their open, continuous provocation of violence against a whole community? Why are they not taken seriously? Or, is it the case that Muslims are not treated as human beings in India? That they are seen as termites and vermin who need to be eradicated to keep the scared space of Bharatvarsh clean?


The fact is that the police and even the courts in India seem to believe that Hindus are never serious when they talk of violence. That they are simply incapable of committing violence and that any threat of violence is simply a natural outpouring of genuine emotion. They get relieved after getting the violence out of their system by exhaling it. But they never mean it.


The police assume Muslims can be radicalised easily but Hindus and radicalisation do not go together. They can only talk and never kill. What they do in fact by making such remarks is to bring out the real face of the Muslims before the world. The fact that there are calls to eliminate Narsinghanand proves him right, it is said – that Muslims are inherently violent. Why else are they calling for his murder in response to his mere statements about the murder and genocide of Muslims? Does he not have freedom of thought and expression? If he is right, then why should Muslims not be eliminated? This is what passes for logic in India.


Narsinghanand vilifies Muslims, abuses their prophet, openly calls for tearing the Quran and for tearing apart those who follow the holy book. Then Muslims react. Many of them express shock, dismay. There are some who react violently. And Narsinghanand gets to say, ‘I told you so’.


This has been the strategy of the Hindutva organisations in recent years. Unfortunately, this has also been the default thinking of the Indian state.The police and administration are suspicious of Muslims and indulgent towards Hindus. So, angry messages from Muslims invite prompt penal action against them. The argument is that their anger has a real potential of provoking violence because, well, Muslims are prone to violence,. The same cannot be said about Hindus. Thus, calls for murder, violence and even genocide by the likes of Narsinghanand are brushed aside as Hindus are supposedly wise enough to ignore these erratic outbursts.


A year back, in 2020, we heard junior and senior BJP leaders exhorting their followers to deal with the Muslims protesting against the CAA and the NRC appropriately. We heard Prime Minister Modi asking his constituency to identify the protesters by the nature of their clothes. So, what do you do after identifying them? The PM leaves you guessing. Home Minister Amit Shah wanted his voters to press the button of the voting machines so hard that the current emanating from them reaches Shaheen Bagh and shocks the protesters, forcing them to end their dharna. This is of course the poetic, metaphorical use of Hindi. How can you treat it as a call for violence?



A Central minster asked his people to shoot the anti-CAA protesters as they were traitors. The slogans “Goli Maro” seems to have turned into a theme song at BJP rallies. But it is explained away as a language game. One of the leaders says that it is only a rhyming exercise. We are being playful with language, you have to appreciate. But shooters did appear on the protest sites and bullets were fired. And then the looting, burning and killing started. Leaving 53 people dead, many from bullet wounds. More than a dozen mosques were badly devastated. Hundreds of houses and business establishments were destroyed. Thousands were displaced.


Could there be a link between this provocation for violence at different levels in diverse styles and the actual act of violence? Could it be that those who planned and executed the violence felt assured of protection from the top?


The Delhi Police doesn’t even think that this link needs to be probed. Narsinghanand called for Muslims to be killed before the Delhi riots of 2020 and is still saying the same thing. Ragini Tiwari, who boasts repeatedly about her role in the violence of North East Delhi, moves around freely, issuing new threats. Those who have claimed responsibility for the violence in JNU are allowed to remain free to tell the ‘traitors’ and ‘anti nationals’ that they will repeat their act if need be. The police refuses to believe any of them. They are just boastful, we are told. They are incapable of what they claim to have done.


We know what the pathology is. We know that there is an alignment in the ideology of the ruling establishment – the Bharatiya Janata Party and Sangh parivar – and the state apparatus.  But ordinary Hindus who have a life beyond politics need to think deeply about this process in which hate against Muslims and Christians is being deliberately spread. This hate campaign is decentralised and mostly autonomous but is part of a larger ecosystem which guarantees that the processes of law will never operate against them.


The police is being wilfully negligent in assuming this propaganda does not engender hate and violence in a section of Hindus. Online messaging has made the calls for violence against Muslims especially potent. There are thousands of videos with incendiary messages circulating and each of them of them is viewed by millions.


Research shows that online hate campaigns do produce recruits for hate armies.The ISIS has lured young minds all the way from Europe. There are instances of white supremacists who have actually committed violence after being educated into violence. Some join in as active participants but online campaigns also create a consensus around the ideas of hate and violence propagated by it. So, a culture of violence which legitimises violence and does not feel remorse when killings take place is crafted through this campaign.


The last decades of the 20th century witnessed the emergence of babas and gurus who claimed to give us easy spiritual solutions to the challenges we face in life. And then emerged monks and swamis who were preachers of hate and violence. Some of them control large and traditionally respected shrines while the smaller ones have captured temples in mofussil towns and villages.They don saffron robes and preach anti-Muslim hate with the impunity that the saffron garb gives them. There is nothing religious or spiritual about them.



What makes them powerful is that their diatribes are tolerated even by the secular parties. They seldom criticise them. But one such statement from a Muslim and all of them start preaching the values of non-violence and secularism and condemn them for inciting violence.  Secular leaders and parties are reluctant to criticise the hate campaign by persons like Narsinghanand. Their argument is that it will give them undue prominence and make them popular. But they are wrong. If hate goes unchallenged, it gains more legitimacy. Its grip over society becomes stronger.


In the face of the silence of the political class, the inaction of the institutions of the state and encouragement from the media, Muslims are left to react to this humiliation and violence by themselves. As if their humiliation is only their concern and all of us remain untouched by it.


Well, Muslims are reacting. It is natural. But they must keep in mind that reacting violently against this hateful and violent majoritarian culture and politics only reinforces it. An alternative, humane language of politics needs to be proposed and practiced against this vile project. The Narasinghanands seek to mould all of us in their own image. Becoming like him is the easiest thing to do. And the laziest.


Friday witnessed huge demonstrations after the Juma namaz which were expressions of anger against the blasphemous remarks of Narsinghanand and his gang members. We also saw many Muslims saying that they can tolerate insults and violence upon themselves but cannot allow blasphemy. This approach needs rethinking. Violence against real lives, living people and their humiliation should not be accepted or normalised as a ‘lesser’ evil.


We need to understand that insults to the Prophet are a way of sending a message to Muslims that there is no respect for their faith in India. There is no doubt that this must be opposed. But to treat this as only a religious issue and ignore the political project driving these insults would be sheer folly. If Muslims can come out to protest against blasphemy in such huge numbers, they can also protest the killing of 20 Muslims in Uttar Pradesh and the anti Muslim violence in Delhi. They need to protest the arrest of scores of anti-CAA protesters. This has yet to happen.


Secularism should not be seen as a burden. Secularism also means a non-hateful approach towards the other, an accommodative and hospitable approach to the stranger. An insistence on equality and justice. An ability to fight with one’s own biases and push one’s own boundaries. Hindutva groups are trying hard to make Hindus lose this sense. Muslims must not follow that agenda.



To Narsinghanand’s delight, the public debate has shifted to blasphemy. We need to remember that what Narsinghanand and his huge ecosystem does is far deadlier. By reacting only to Narsinghanand’s vile attacks against Islam and the prophet, we are ignoring far more heinous and indefensible crimes that he’s committed.


Shuddhabrata Sen Gupta rightly notes, “He has not confined himself to insulting the prophet. He made specific calls for genocidal violence against Muslims. He called for murder, for targeted killings. He defended assaults on children. He asked for ethnic cleansing. And all of that requires a response far more robust than contempt and disdain. These are enough reasons to immediately imprison Narsinghanand that have nothing whatsoever to do with blasphemy, real or imagined. It needs to be said without a moment of doubt and hesitation: any person who does not demand the immediate arrest of Narsinghanand and the leading members of his gang is an enemy of a free and open society.”


Religious Leader Arrested For Misogyny, Not Haridwar Hate Speech: Police

Yati Narsinghanand is among the people named in the FIRs lodged over hate speeches at the Haridwar "Dharma Sansad" or religious assembly last month.

All IndiaReported by Aruveetil Mariyam Alavi, Edited by Arun NairUpdated: January 16, 2022 2:12 pm IST

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Yati Narsinghanand (second from right) is co-accused in Haridwar hate speech case. (File)



37

New Delhi: Yati Narsinghanand, the religious leader who organised an event in Haridwar last month that called for the genocide of Muslims, was arrested for objectionable remarks on women, and not for hate speech at the Dharam Sansad or religious assembly, the police told NDTV a day after his arrest.

The religious leader has been sent to 14 days of judicial custody.


He has been issued a notice in the hate speech case also, the police said, adding that he will be remanded in that case too.


"Yati Narsinghanand has been arrested for derogatory comments against women, not the Haridwar hate speech case right now. He has been issued a notice in that case so far. He will be remanded for the hate speech case too, the procedure is on. We will include the hate speech case details also in the remand application," the police official said.


As per sources, the current case against Narsinghanand - relating to misogyny - is based on a complaint filed earlier this month for his objectionable and derogatory remarks against women of other religions. The FIR invokes hate speech charges, in addition to charges of insulting women. 


However, it does not pertain to the hate speeches at the Dharam Sansad in Haridwar. 


Yati Narsinghanand is among the people named in the FIRs lodged over hate speeches at the Haridwar "Dharma Sansad" or religious assembly last month.


Jitendra Narayan Singh Tyagi, who was Waseem Rizvi before he converted, is the only co-accused to be arrested in the case so far. His arrest came nearly a month after the event, only after the Supreme Court intervention.


Over the last two weeks, the saffron-robed Narsinghanand has gone from cackling with cops about how a police officer "will be on our side" to cursing them - "all of you will die," he said on Thursday after the first arrest.


Clips from the Haridwar event -- held from December 17 to 20 -- were circulated on social media and drew sharp criticism from former military chiefs, retired judges, activists and even international tennis legend Martina Navratilova.


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Those who organised the event and gave the hate speeches maintain that they have done no wrong.


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Comments

"I am not ashamed of what I have said. I am not afraid of police. I stand by my statement," Prabodhanand Giri -- photographed often with BJP leaders including Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and his Uttarakhand counterpart Pushkar Dhami -- told NDTV on December 23.


Syed Waseem Rizvi

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Jitendra Narayan Singh Tyagi

Central Shia Board of Waqf, Uttar Pradesh

In office

1995–2020

Personal details

Born Waseem Rizvi

Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, India

Occupation Debater

Filmmaker[1]

Politician

Jitendra Narayan Singh Tyagi, formerly known[2] as Waseem Rizvi, is the former member and chairman of the Shia Central Waqf Board of Uttar Pradesh, India.[3] He on his will underwent religious conversion to Hinduism on 6 December 2021 in the presence of Dasna Temple (Ghaziabad) head priest, Yati Narsinhanand Giri Maharaj.[2] He is known for filing a petition in India's Supreme Court, as well as producing the Bollywood film Ram Ki Janmabhoomi.[4][5]



Contents

1 Political career

2 Controversies

2.1 Petition

3 Bibliography

4 References

Political career

Tyagi is a son of a Class III railways employee. He was elected a Samajwadi Party (SP) corporator from the Kashmiri Mohalla ward of Old City in Lucknow in 2000, and in 2008, became a member of the Shia Central Waqf Board. In 2012, Tyagi was expelled from the SP for six years after falling out with Shia cleric Kalbe Jawad, who accused him of misappropriation of funds.[6] Tyagi termed these charges as "cooked up" motivated by the desire to "weaken his argument".[3] Tyagi later got relief from the court and was reinstated.[6]


Controversies

In January 2018, Tyagi wrote to the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh and the Prime Minister of India, seeking the abolition of Madrasas and said that some of them act as breeding grounds for terrorists instead of ensuring jobs for Muslims.[6] In response, a Bareilly based religious outfit All India Faizan-e-Madina Council (AIFMC) announced a bounty of Rs 10,00,786 and a free Haj trip for anyone who beheads Tyagi.[7]


In September 2018, Tyagi said that homosexuality was prevalent in India's madrasas.[8]


In January 2020, Tyagi said that, "Some people believe that childbirth is a natural process and should not be interfered with. To give birth to more children like animals is harmful to society and country. It will be good for the country if a law is implemented for population control."[9] In an interview he said that he did not like being called a Muslim, which to him was like being called a "cruel, wild beast", he added that he was very much a Muslim, but if that placed him in that same category as the Taliban he would rather identify himself as a human.[10] In another interview, he declared that he has left Islam.[11]


Petition

On 12 March 2021 Tyagi filed a petition in the Supreme Court, where he appealed to remove 26 verses from the Quran.[12] He has claimed in the petition that these verses promote violence among Muslims.[13] The petition says these 26 verses were not part of the original Quran but were inserted at a later stage.[14] In response, there have been condemnation from muslim bodies of both Shia and Sunni sects of Islam.[15][16] They have demanded Tyagi's arrest.[17] The ruling BJP has also protested his petition.[18] A lawyer from Moradabad announced a reward of Rs 11 lakh for "beheading" Tyagi, while Shiane Haider-e-Karrar Welfare Association, a Muslim organisation in Uttar Pradesh, declared a Rs 20,000 reward for Tyagi's beheading.[6]



నర్సింగానంద్‌ను అరెస్ట్ చేసింది ముస్లింలపై విద్వేష వ్యాఖ్యలకు కాదట!

Jan 16 2022 @ 20:13PMహోంజాతీయం


డెహ్రడూన్: హరాద్వార్‌లో జరిగిన హిందూ సాధువుల ధర్మ సంసద్ సభలో యతి నర్సింగానంద్ అనే ఒక సాధువు ముస్లింలపై మహాత్మ గాంధీపై విద్వేష వ్యాఖ్యలు చేసిన విషయం తెలిసిందే. ఈ వ్యాఖ్యలపై దేశవ్యాప్తంగా తీవ్ర నిరసనలు వ్యక్తం అయ్యాయి. ఎట్టకేలకు యతి నర్సింగానంద్ సహా మరికొంత మంది సాధువులపై పోలీసులు కేసు నమోదు చేశారు. అనంతరం వారిని అరెస్ట్ చేశారు కూడా. అయితే వారిని అరెస్ట్ చేసింది ముస్లింలు, గాంధీపై చేసిన విద్వేష వ్యాఖ్యలకు కాదని పోలీసులు తాజాగా తెలిపారు. మహిళలకు వ్యతిరేకంగా వ్యాఖ్యలు చేసిన కారణంగా ఆయనను అరెస్ట్ చేసినట్లు పేర్కొన్నారు.


హరిద్వార్ సభ కంటే ముందు నిర్వహించిన సభలో మహిళలపై అభ్యంతరకరంగా వ్యాఖ్యానించినట్లు ఎఫ్ఐఆర్ నమోదు అయిందని, దాని ఆధారంగానే యతి నర్సింగానంద్‌ను అరెస్ట్ చేసినట్లు పోలీసులు పేర్కొన్నారు. అయితే హరిద్వార్‌లో నిర్వహించిన ధర్మ సంసద్ సభలో చేసిన వ్యాఖ్యలపై ఎఫ్ఐఆర్ కాపీలో పేర్కొనకపోవడం గమనార్హం.

వాస్తవానికి హరిద్వార్‌లో ధర్మ సంసద్ సభ జరిగిన చాలా రోజులకు నర్సింగానంద్ సహా మరికొంత మందిపై పోలీసు కేసు నమోదు చేశారు. నెల రోజుల తర్వాత వారిని అరెస్ట్ చేశారు. అయితే పోలీసులు ఆయనను అరెస్ట్ చేయడానికి వచ్చిన సమయంలో పోలీసులకు నర్సింగారావు బెదిరింపులకు పాల్పడ్డారు. ‘‘మీరు, మీ పిల్లలు చచ్చిపోతారు’’ అంటూ ఆయన తీవ్ర స్థాయిలో హెచ్చరికలు చేశారు.





Wednesday 12 January 2022

కర్ఫ్యూ వాయిదా

 కర్ఫ్యూ వాయిదా

Jan 12 2022 @ 02:20AMహోంఆంధ్రప్రదే 


పండగ నేపథ్యంలో వెనక్కి తగ్గిన ప్రభుత్వం

తొలుత మంగళవారం నుంచే అని ఉత్తర్వులు

ఆ తర్వాత జీవోలో మార్పు చేస్తూ నిర్ణయం

18 నుంచి 31 వరకూ కర్ఫ్యూ అమలు

రాష్ట్రంలో యాక్టివ్‌ కేసులు పైపైకి

కొత్తగా 1,831 మందికి పాజిటివ్‌

బూస్టర్‌ డోస్‌ వేసుకోవాలని సర్కారు వినతి


అమరావతి, జనవరి 11 (ఆంధ్రజ్యోతి): రాష్ట్రంలో కరోనా కేసులు పెరిగిపోతున్న వేళ.. రాత్రి కర్ఫ్యూ అమలు చేస్తామన్న ప్రభుత్వం వెంటనే వెనక్కు తగ్గింది. 24 గంటల వ్యవధిలోనే కర్ఫ్యూ నిబంధనల జీవోను రెండుసార్లు మార్చింది. తొలుత మంగళవారం నుంచే కర్ఫ్యూ అమల్లోకి వస్తుందని మంగళవారం ఉదయం జారీచేసిన ఉత్తర్వుల్లో పేర్కొన్న సర్కారు.. సాయంత్రానికి నిర్ణయం మార్చుకుంది. సంక్రాంతి పండగ నేపథ్యంలో ప్రజల ప్రయాణాలను దృష్టిలో పెట్టుకుని ఈ నిర్ణయం తీసుకున్నట్టు ప్రకటించింది. సంక్రాంతి తర్వాత 18వ తేదీ నుంచి 31వ తేదీ వరకూ రాత్రి 11 గంటల నుంచి ఉదయం 5 గంటల వరకూ కర్ఫ్యూ అమలు చేస్తున్నట్టు తాజాగా పేర్కొంది.

కర్ఫ్యూ నిబంధనల నుంచి ఆస్పత్రులు, వైద్య పరీక్షా కేంద్రాలు, మందుల షాపులు, మీడియా ప్రతినిధులకు మినహాయింపు కల్పించారు. కేంద్ర, రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వ ఉద్యోగులు, హైకోర్టు, ఇతర కోర్టులు, స్థానిక సంస్థల ఉద్యోగులతో పాటు ఎమర్జెన్సీ సేవలందించే ఉద్యోగులకు డ్యూటీ పాస్‌ కచ్చితంగా ఉండాలని పేర్కొన్నారు. అంతర్రాష్ట్ర సరిహద్దుల్లో వాహనాల రాకపోకలు యధావిధిగానే జరుగుతాయి. బహిరంగ ప్రదేశాల్లో మాస్క్‌ ధరించని వారికి రూ.100 జరిమానా విధిస్తారు. బహిరంగ ప్రదేశాల్లో జరిగే కార్యక్రమాలకు 200 మందికి, ఇండోర్‌లో 100 మందికి మాత్రమే అనుమతిస్తారు. షాపులు, వ్యాపార సముదాయాల్లో ఈ నిబంధనలు పాటించకపోతే షాపుల యాజమాన్యానికి రూ.10,000 నుంచి రూ.25,000 వరకు జరిమానా విధిస్తారు.  హెల్త్‌కేర్‌, ఫ్రంట్‌లైన్‌ వర్కర్లు, 60 ఏళ్లు దాటిన వాళ్లు తప్పనిసరిగా బూస్టర్‌ డోస్‌ వేసుకోవాలని ఆరోగ్యశాఖ కమిషనర్‌ కె.భాస్కర్‌ తెలిపారు.

కొత్తగా 1,831 మందికి పాజిటివ్‌రాష్ట్రంలో కరోనా కేసులు ఒక్కసారిగా పెరిగాయి. సోమవారం రాష్ట్రంలో 984 కరోనా కేసు లు నమోదు కాగా.. ఒక్కరోజులోనే ఆ సంఖ్య దాదాపు రెట్టింపైంది. దీంతో యాక్టివ్‌ కేసులు 7,195కు పెరిగిపోయాయి. గత 24 గంటల్లో రాష్ట్రవ్యాప్తంగా 36,452 పరీక్షలు చేయగా 18,31 మందికి పాజిటివ్‌గా నిర్ధారణ అయినట్టు ఆరోగ్యశాఖ మంగళవారం వెల్లడించింది.