Sunday, 9 March 2025

A criminal’: Muslim cleric slams Indian cricketer Shami for not observing Roza

A criminal’: Muslim cleric slams Indian cricketer Shami for not observing Roza

Story by HT News Desk • 3d • 2 min read

Indian cricketer Mohammed Shami (L) and Maulana Shahabuddin Razvi Bareilvi

Indian cricketer Mohammed Shami has been called “a criminal” by All India Muslim Jamaat president Maulana Shahabuddin Razvi Bareilvi for not keeping ‘Roza’ during Ramzan, sparking controversy.

“By not keeping ‘Roza’ he (Mohammed Shami) has committed a crime. He should not do this. In the eyes of Shariat, he is a criminal. He will have to answer God,” Maulana Shahabuddin Razvi Bareilvi told ANI.

'India never had a golden age'

The Hindu

He said that keeping ‘Roza’ is a compulsory duty, and anyone who does not follow it is a criminal.

“One of the compulsory duties is 'Roza' (fasting)...If any healthy man or woman doesn't observe 'Roza', they will be a big criminal. A famous cricket personality of India, Mohammed Shami had water or some other beverage during a match,” Maulana Shahabuddin said.

“People were watching him. If he is playing, it means he is healthy. In such a condition, he did not observe 'Roza' and even had water...This sends a wrong message among people,” the Maulana added.

Maulana Bareilvi's remark came after India's four-wicket win against Australia in the ICC Champions Trophy semifinal in Dubai. Shami, who played a key role in the victory with figures of 3/48 in 10 overs, is now the tournament’s joint-highest wicket-taker alongside New Zealand’s Matt Henry, both with eight wickets.

The Maulana’s remark has drawn criticism, with NCP SP leader Rohit Pawar defending Shami and saying religion should not be brought into sports.

“While representing the country, if Mohammad Shami feels that his performance might get even slightly affected due to fasting and what if something happens, then he will never be able to sleep. He is a hardcore Indian who has made the team win many times. Religion should not be brought up in sports,” said Rohit Pawar.

Shia cleric Maulana Yasoob Abbas also slammed the comment, calling it a publicity stunt and stressing that fasting is a personal choice, not a compulsion.

With ANI inputs

Hindustan Times

https://www.msn.com/en-in/sports/cricket/a-criminal-muslim-cleric-slams-indian-cricketer-shami-for-not-observing-roza/ar-AA1AmzRP

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i29VPbeIZ6g



Sunday, 19 January 2025

hum paanch, hamare pachchis - Modi

 Modi reinvents arithmetic of hate

BASANT RAWAT Published 23.09.02, 12:00 AM

Navsari (south Gujarat), Sept. 22: An unrepentant Narendra Modi today replayed the infamous ‘hum paanch, hamare pachchis’ speech, adding more inflammatory words and ignoring an uproar.

Emboldened by the reception for the third phase of the Gaurav Yatra, Modi asked the crowd at a meeting today: “What is wrong if I express concern over the population explosion? Is it not a fact that from 30 crore in 1947 the country’s population has crossed 100 crore? Isn’t it a problem we all should be worried about? I was doing just that.”

Then he repeated the words he had used on September 9 and added a sentence: “Hum paanch, hamare pachchis. In the third generation, they become 625.”

On September 9, Modi had said those who are pursuing such a population policy should be “taught a lesson”. Today, he did not make any direct mention of the minority community.

Modi and the state BJP had been insisting that he was misquoted on September 9 despite a private channel airing the tape of the speech.

The repeated references to the controversial remarks are being seen as a sign that Modi has made up his mind to consolidate the perceived polarisation among the voters, which, the BJP feels, will benefit the party.

“This is why Modi is not talking about communal harmony. He is very clear in his mind that it will be an exercise in futility if he tries to win over the minority community,” said a BJP leader.

Simultaneously, Modi has concentrated the rest of his firepower on the Congress. Today, he dared the Congress to a debate on the population problem and continued with his tirade against Sonia Gandhi.

Modi dubbed Sonia “a fake Gandhi” who does not even know that Gandhi was born in Porbandar.

“Gandhi had advised the Congressmen to dissolve the party after Independence but the Congressmen did not close their shop as they take command from a fake Gandhi,” he added.

At a school for the hearing impaired, run by a noted Gandhian and freedom fighter, most children bearing BJP flags sat through Modi’s 10-minute speech. The speech was translated into sign language by a teacher. But not everyone was impressed. Aslam Pathan left the venue as Modi was making his speech. 

“I was highly disappointed. I was expecting that he would say something about social harmony but he is talking something I cannot relate to,” Pathan said.

Along with his mechanised rath’s progress across the state, the chief minister has finetuned an interactive formula to keep the Godhra pot boiling.

Addressing small gatherings on the road side, Modi would ask: “Are all of you aware of what happened at Godhra, who burnt alive innocent kar sevaks and who are trying to get them released?” Usually, the answer is “yes”.The next question: “Were any people killed in your town, was any shop burnt?” The answer from rural Gujarat is a loud “no.

Modi then concludes: That mean your town was peaceful. But the image the Congress has created is that Gujaratis are mindless killers. Should not such a party be taught a lesson?”

Local units of the BJP, too, are not entirely happy with the focus on the polarisation. A party worker warned a BJP leader from Ahmedabad that the people of Navsari would throw the party out of power, if the roads are not repaired.

Monday, 6 January 2025

Ambedkar’s Views on the Muslims, Muslim League and Partition of India

 Dr. B.R. Ambedkar expressed support for the partition of India, but his stance was nuanced and rooted in his pragmatic understanding of communal relations, governance, and social justice. His views on the partition were articulated in his book "Pakistan or the Partition of India" (1940), where he analyzed the Hindu-Muslim problem and proposed solutions, including the creation of Pakistan.

Ambedkar’s Views on the Partition of India

1.   Support for Partition:

o    Ambedkar supported the partition of India primarily because he believed it was a practical solution to the persistent Hindu-Muslim conflict. He argued that forcing unity between the two communities could lead to perpetual unrest.

o    He viewed the partition as a way to establish a clear demarcation between two distinct political entities, allowing each to govern itself according to its majority's cultural and religious ethos.

2.   Critique of Congress and Muslim League:

o    Ambedkar was critical of both the Congress and the Muslim League for their handling of communal issues. He believed that the Congress's claims of representing all Indians were hollow and that the Muslim League's demand for Pakistan was a reflection of genuine grievances of Muslims.

3.   Analysis of Hindu-Muslim Relations:

o    Ambedkar argued that Hindu-Muslim relations were fundamentally antagonistic due to differences in religion, culture, and social practices. He believed that these differences could not be reconciled within a single nation-state.

4.   Support for Muslim Aspirations:

o    While Ambedkar was not an advocate of Islamic ideology, he recognized the legitimacy of Muslim fears of Hindu domination in a united India. He argued that the creation of Pakistan would address Muslim concerns and reduce communal tensions.

 

Reasons for Ambedkar’s Support for Partition

1.   Pragmatism:

o    Ambedkar believed that partition was a realistic solution to the communal problem. He argued that forcing Muslims to remain in a Hindu-majority India against their will would lead to instability and violence.

2.   Critique of Hindu Orthodoxy:

o    Ambedkar was deeply critical of the caste system and Hindu orthodoxy. He felt that the Hindu majority's dominance would perpetuate social and political inequalities, not only for Muslims but also for Dalits and other marginalized communities.

3.   Prevention of Civil War:

o    Ambedkar feared that unresolved communal tensions could lead to a civil war. Partition, in his view, was a way to prevent large-scale bloodshed.

4.   Focus on Dalit Empowerment:

o    Ambedkar was concerned that in a united India, the focus on Hindu-Muslim issues would overshadow the urgent need to address the plight of Dalits. Partition, he believed, would allow for more attention to be given to social justice and equality within India.

 

Ambedkar’s Concerns About Partition

1.   Impact on Dalits:

o    Ambedkar worried that partition would not solve the fundamental issues of caste and social inequality in India. He was concerned that Dalits would remain marginalized in both India and Pakistan.

2.   Skepticism About Pakistan:

o    While Ambedkar supported the idea of Pakistan, he was skeptical about its governance model. He doubted whether Pakistan would genuinely address the concerns of its minorities and whether it would be a stable state.

 

Ambedkar’s Legacy on Partition

Dr. Ambedkar's views on partition were shaped by his deep understanding of India's social fabric. He supported partition as a necessary evil to address communal tensions, but his ultimate focus remained on ensuring justice, equality, and dignity for the oppressed, particularly the Dalits. His writings continue to be a valuable resource for understanding the complexities of India's partition and the interplay of caste, religion, and politics in the subcontinent.

Here are 10 notable quotes by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar on the partition of India, primarily drawn from his seminal work "Pakistan or the Partition of India" (1940) and other writings. Each quote is accompanied by its context and reference:

 

1. On the inevitability of partition

"The real explanation of the failure of Hindu-Muslim unity lies in the social system of the Hindus, which is a system of graded inequality."
Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 1.
Context: Ambedkar argued that the Hindu caste system created a social order incompatible with equality, making Hindu-Muslim unity difficult.

 

2. On the Muslim demand for Pakistan

"The Muslims are right in demanding Pakistan because they are a distinct nation by every definition of nationhood."
Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 4.
Context: Ambedkar acknowledged the legitimacy of the Muslim League's demand, emphasizing the cultural and political distinctiveness of Muslims.

 

3. On forced unity

"A merely mechanical unity of the two will serve no purpose and will only lead to the disaster of perpetual conflict."
Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 8.
Context: He highlighted the futility of imposing unity between Hindus and Muslims without addressing their fundamental differences.

 

4. On the Congress's approach to Muslims

"The Congress has failed to realize that the Muslims cannot be satisfied with mere safeguards. They want a dominant position."
Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 3.
Context: Ambedkar criticized the Congress for underestimating the depth of Muslim aspirations and grievances.

 

5. On partition as a solution

"If two communities cannot live together in peace, the best course is to allow them to separate."
Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 10.
Context: Ambedkar advocated partition as a pragmatic solution to the Hindu-Muslim conflict.

 

6. On the two-nation theory

"The two-nation theory is not a creation of the Muslim League. It is a historical fact."
Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 4.
Context: He argued that the idea of Hindus and Muslims as separate nations was rooted in historical and cultural realities, not just political propaganda.

 

7. On the limitations of secularism

"It is an illusion to think that the problem of the communal deadlock can be solved by secularism. Religion is deeply ingrained in the social life of the people."
Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 5.
Context: Ambedkar pointed out that religious identity played a central role in Indian society, making secular solutions inadequate.

 

8. On the consequences of partition

"Partition will not solve all the problems, but it will at least reduce the area of conflict."
Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 9.
Context: Ambedkar acknowledged that while partition was not a perfect solution, it could help mitigate communal tensions.

 

9. On Muslim fears of Hindu domination

"The Muslims are justified in their fear that in a Hindu-majority India, their culture, religion, and social practices will be at the mercy of the majority."
Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 6.
Context: Ambedkar sympathized with Muslim concerns about losing their distinct identity in a united India.

 

10. On the role of the British

"The British have been the greatest beneficiaries of Hindu-Muslim discord, and their policy has been to keep it alive."
Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 2.
Context: Ambedkar critiqued the British colonial strategy of "divide and rule," which exacerbated communal divisions.

 

These quotations reflect Ambedkar's analytical and pragmatic approach to the partition issue. His insights remain relevant for understanding the complexities of India's communal and political history.



Yes, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar did touch upon the military and defense angle in his analysis of the partition and the demand for a separate country for Muslims. In his book "Pakistan or the Partition of India" (1940), Ambedkar explored the strategic implications of partition from a military perspective, emphasizing the challenges of defense and governance in a united India with deep communal divisions. Below are the key points reflecting his views on the military and defense aspects:


1. Defense Challenges in a Communally Divided India

  • Ambedkar argued that a united India with unresolved Hindu-Muslim tensions would face significant challenges in maintaining internal security and defending against external threats.
  • Quote: "An army divided within itself is worse than useless in defending the country."
    (Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 10)
    Context: Ambedkar believed that communal discord within the armed forces would undermine national defense.

2. Loyalty of Muslim Soldiers in a United India

  • Ambedkar raised concerns about the loyalty of Muslim soldiers in the British Indian Army if India remained united. He feared that in the event of communal tensions or a war involving Muslim-majority countries, the allegiance of Muslim soldiers might be divided.
  • Quote: "The Muslim's allegiance to India as a country is secondary to his allegiance to his religion and his co-religionists."
    (Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 6)
    Context: He highlighted the potential conflict of interest for Muslim soldiers in a Hindu-majority state.

3. Strategic Rationale for Partition

  • Ambedkar argued that partition would create clear boundaries and reduce the risk of communal conflict spilling into military affairs. A separate Muslim-majority state (Pakistan) would eliminate the internal security threat posed by communal divisions in the armed forces.
  • Quote: "Partition would relieve the Indian Army of the communal problem and ensure its loyalty and efficiency."
    (Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 9)
    Context: He viewed partition as a way to professionalize and depoliticize the military.

4. Geopolitical and Strategic Considerations

  • Ambedkar analyzed the geographical distribution of Muslims and the strategic implications of their concentration in certain regions (e.g., Punjab, Bengal, North-West Frontier Province). He believed that these regions, if part of Pakistan, would provide strategic depth and coherence for a Muslim state while allowing India to focus on its defense without internal divisions.
  • Quote: "A partitioned India would be better equipped to focus on its external defense without being hampered by internal dissensions."
    (Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 8)
    Context: He argued that partition would streamline India's defense strategy.

5. The British Indian Army and Martial Races

  • Ambedkar noted that a significant portion of the British Indian Army was composed of Muslims, particularly from Punjab and the North-West Frontier Province. He argued that Muslim-majority regions' separation into Pakistan would address the communal imbalance in the armed forces of a united India.
  • Quote: "The British Indian Army is not an Indian army but a Punjabi army, and most of these Punjabis are Muslims."
    (Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 7)
    Context: He highlighted the disproportionate representation of Muslims in the army and the complications it posed for a united India.

6. Prevention of Civil War

  • Ambedkar feared that unresolved communal tensions could lead to a civil war, with disastrous consequences for India's defense and stability. Partition, in his view, was a way to prevent such a scenario.
  • Quote: "Partition is the price India has to pay for avoiding a civil war and ensuring a stable government and military."
    (Reference: "Pakistan or the Partition of India," Chapter 10)
    Context: He framed partition as a necessary step to secure India's internal and external security.

Conclusion

Dr. Ambedkar's support for partition was not merely ideological or political but also grounded in practical considerations of governance, defense, and military cohesion. He recognized that communal divisions could undermine the efficiency and loyalty of the armed forces, posing a significant threat to India's security. Partition, in his view, was a pragmatic solution to these challenges, ensuring that both India and Pakistan could focus on their respective defense needs without the burden of internal discord.

You said:
How were the relationship between BR Ambedkar and Muslim League?. How MusliM League helped Ambedkar to enter the Constituence Assembly? What was the stand of Ambedkar towards the Muslims in various times since 1930. Did he associated with Muslim leaders during Round Table Conference? Elaborate point vise.

ChatGPT said:
ChatGPT

The relationship between Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and the Muslim League was complex, shaped by mutual interests, differing ideologies, and the political dynamics of British India. Below is a detailed, point-wise elaboration on the key aspects of their relationship, the Muslim League's role in Ambedkar's entry into the Constituent Assembly, and his evolving stand toward Muslims:


1. Relationship Between Ambedkar and the Muslim League

  • Mutual Interests:
    Both Ambedkar and the Muslim League represented marginalized groups (Dalits and Muslims, respectively) and shared a common critique of the Indian National Congress for its claim to represent all communities.

    • Ambedkar criticized the Congress for neglecting Dalits, while the Muslim League accused it of being a Hindu-majority party.
    • This shared opposition to Congress brought Ambedkar and the Muslim League into occasional alignment, though their ultimate goals differed.
  • Ideological Differences:
    Ambedkar’s focus was on achieving social justice and equality for Dalits, while the Muslim League's primary agenda was securing political autonomy for Muslims through the demand for Pakistan.

    • Ambedkar was critical of the Muslim League's communal approach and its demand for a theocratic state, which he viewed as contrary to his vision of secularism and equality.

2. Muslim League's Role in Ambedkar's Entry into the Constituent Assembly

  • Congress Opposition:
    After losing his seat in the Bombay Legislative Assembly in 1946, Ambedkar faced challenges entering the Constituent Assembly due to Congress's dominance and opposition to his representation.

  • Muslim League's Support:
    The Muslim League facilitated Ambedkar’s election to the Constituent Assembly from Bengal, where it had significant influence.

    • The League's support was not ideological but strategic, as Ambedkar’s presence in the Assembly provided a counterbalance to the Congress and strengthened minority representation.
  • Significance:
    This act of support underscored the political pragmatism of both Ambedkar and the Muslim League. It allowed Ambedkar to contribute to drafting the Indian Constitution, where he championed the rights of marginalized groups.


3. Ambedkar’s Stand Toward Muslims (1930s-1947)

  • 1930s: Advocacy for Dalit Rights at the Round Table Conferences

    • Ambedkar participated in the Round Table Conferences (1930-1932) to demand separate electorates for Dalits. He interacted with Muslim leaders, including Jinnah, to discuss minority issues.
    • While he acknowledged the Muslim community's grievances, he emphasized that Dalits were an even more oppressed minority and required distinct political safeguards.
  • Critique of Muslim Politics:
    Ambedkar criticized the Muslim League for prioritizing religion over social equality and for not addressing the internal inequalities within Muslim society, such as caste-based divisions among Muslims.

  • "Pakistan or the Partition of India" (1940):
    Ambedkar analyzed the demand for Pakistan in this book. While he supported the idea of partition as a practical solution to Hindu-Muslim tensions, he remained critical of the Muslim League’s communal politics.

  • Support for Separate Electorates:
    Ambedkar supported the principle of separate electorates for minorities, including Muslims, as a means of ensuring political representation for marginalized groups.

  • Post-1940s:
    Ambedkar maintained a cautious stance toward Muslims. While he supported their right to political representation, he criticized theocratic tendencies and communal exclusivism in the Muslim League's vision of Pakistan.


4. Association with Muslim Leaders During the Round Table Conferences

  • Engagement with Jinnah and Other Muslim Leaders:

    • Ambedkar interacted with prominent Muslim leaders, including Muhammad Ali Jinnah, during the Round Table Conferences (1930-1932) in London.
    • Both leaders advocated for minority rights and criticized the Congress's majoritarian stance.
    • However, their approaches diverged: Ambedkar focused on social justice for Dalits, while Jinnah concentrated on political autonomy for Muslims.
  • Coalition for Minority Rights:
    Ambedkar and Jinnah found common ground in opposing the Congress's dominance and demanding constitutional safeguards for minorities. However, Ambedkar was wary of aligning too closely with the Muslim League due to ideological differences.


5. Ambedkar’s Critique of Muslim Society

  • Internal Inequalities:
    Ambedkar pointed out the prevalence of caste-like divisions among Muslims, such as the Ashraf (upper-class Muslims) and Ajlaf (lower-class Muslims). He argued that the Muslim League's leadership primarily represented the Ashraf class and did not address the concerns of lower-class Muslims.

  • Lack of Social Reform:
    Ambedkar criticized Muslim leaders for focusing on political power while neglecting social reform within their community. He believed that both Hindu and Muslim societies needed to address internal inequalities.


6. Pragmatic Alliances with Muslim Leaders

  • Ambedkar’s alliances with Muslim leaders were primarily tactical. He collaborated with them to challenge Congress’s majoritarianism but remained focused on Dalit issues.
  • He viewed such alliances as temporary and based on shared opposition rather than long-term ideological alignment.

Conclusion

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s relationship with the Muslim League and Muslim leaders was marked by pragmatism, mutual opposition to Congress, and ideological differences. While the Muslim League facilitated Ambedkar’s entry into the Constituent Assembly, he remained critical of their communal politics and focus on religious identity. His primary focus was always on securing justice and equality for Dalits, even as he engaged with Muslim leaders to address broader issues of minority rights in India.

Saturday, 14 December 2024

Supreme Court's Ruling on the Places of Worship Act, 1991

 Supreme Court's Ruling on the Places of Worship Act, 1991
12 Dec 2024 

The Supreme Court barred civil courts from registering fresh suits challenging the ownership or title of any place of worship and from ordering surveys of disputed religious sites until further orders.
Explained: India's controversial Places of Worship law
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Neyaz Farooquee & Nikita Yadav
BBC News, Delhi
Getty Images A general view shows the Gyanvapi mosque in the holy city of Varanasi on February 16, 2024. (Photo by Niharika KULKARNI / AFP) (Photo by NIHARIKA KULKARNI/AFP via Getty Images)
Getty Images
The Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi city is at the centre of a dispute in court
India's top court is hearing a number of petitions challenging a decades-old law that preserves the character and identity of religious places as they existed at the time of the country's independence in 1947.
The law, introduced in 1991, prohibits converting or altering the character of any place of worship and prevents courts from entertaining disputes over its status, with the exception of the Babri Masjid case, which was explicitly exempted.
The Babri Masjid, a 16th-Century mosque, was at the heart of a long-standing dispute, culminating in its demolition by a Hindu mob in 1992. A court verdict in 2019 awarded the site to Hindus for the construction of a temple, reigniting debates over India's religious and secular fault lines.
The current petitions, including one from a member of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), argue that the 1991 law infringes on religious freedom and constitutional secularism.
The hearing comes against the backdrop of Hindu groups filing cases to challenge the status of many mosques, claiming they were built over demolished Hindu temples.
India mosque dispute could become a religious flashpoint
Many, including opposition leaders and Muslim groups, have defended the law, saying it is crucial to safeguard the places of worship of religious minorities in a Hindu-majority India. They also question the nature of historical evidence presented by the petitioners in support of their claims.
They say that if the law is struck down or diluted, it could open the floodgates for a slew of similar challenges and inflame religious tensions, especially between Hindus and Muslims.
On Thursday, the Supreme Court barred courts from registering fresh cases challenging the ownership of places of worship or ordering surveys to establish their character and identity until further notice. It is next set to hear the issue in February.

Getty Images AJMER, INDIA - MARCH 15: Muslims break their fast at the Ajmer Sharif Dargah in Ajmer, Rajasthan, India on March 15, 2024. (Photo by Himanshu Sharma/Anadolu via Getty Images)
Getty Images
A court in Rajasthan recently admitted a petition that claimed there was a temple where the revered Ajmer Sharif shrine stands
Why was the law introduced?
The law says that the religious character of any place of worship - temples, mosques, churches and gurdwaras - must be maintained as it was on 15 August 1947, when Indian became independent.
The Place of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991 was brought in by the then-Congress party government while a movement - led by members of the Hindu nationalist BJP - to build a temple at the site of the Babri Masjid in the northern town of Ayodhya was getting stronger. The aggressive campaign triggered riots in several parts of the country and, according to some estimates, left hundreds dead.
The violence was a painful reminder of the religious strife India had witnessed during partition in 1947.
While introducing the bill in parliament, then home minister SB Chavan expressed anxiety about "an alarming rise of intolerance propagated by certain sections for their narrow vested interests".
These groups, he said, were resorting to "forcible conversion" of places of worship in an attempt to create new disputes.
The BJP, then in the opposition, strongly opposed the bill, with some lawmakers walking out of parliament. An MP from the party said he believed the bill was brought in to appease the minorities and would only increase the rift between Hindus and Muslims.
Apart from archaeological sites - whether religious or not - the only exception to the law was the Babri Masjid, as a legal challenge against the structure existed even before independence.
Hindu mobs, however, demolished the mosque within months of the enactment of the law. In 2019, while awarding the disputed land to Hindu groups, India's Supreme Court said that the demolition of the mosque was an illegal act.

Getty Images State police personnel are deployed outside the Shahi Jama Masjid following religious violence in Sambhal on November 25, 2024. Getty Images
Violence broke out in Sambhal town last month after a court ordered a survey of a 16th Century mosque
Why does it keep making news?
The Supreme Court's ruling on the law will be crucial to the fate of dozens of religious structures, especially those of Muslims, that are contested by Hindu groups. These include Gyanvapi and Shahi Eidgah, two disputed mosques in the holy cities of Varanasi and Mathura.
Critics also point out that the historical nature of the sites will make it hard to conclusively establish divergent claims, leaving scope for bitter inter-religious battles and violence.
While the hearing is being closely watched, the law also makes news whenever there is a fresh development in cases challenging mosques.
Two weeks ago, a court in Rajasthan issued notices to the government after admitting a petition claiming that the revered Ajmer Sharif dargah - a 13th-Century Sufi shrine that attracts thousands of visitors every day - stood over a Hindu temple.
And last month, four people were killed in Sambhal town in Uttar Pradesh state when violence broke out during a court-ordered survey of a 16th-Century mosque. Muslim groups have contested the survey in the Supreme Court.
There have been tensions over other court-ordered surveys earlier, including in the case of the Gyanvapi mosque. Hindu groups said the 17th-Century mosque was built by Mughal emperor Aurangzeb on the partial ruins of the Kashi Vishwanath temple. Muslim groups opposed the survey ordered by a local court, saying it violated the 1991 law.
But in 2022, a Supreme Court bench headed by then chief justice DY Chandrachud did not stop the survey from going ahead. He also observed that the 1991 law did not prevent investigations into the status of a place of worship as of 15 August 1947, as long as it did not seek to alter it.
Many have criticised this since then, with former civil servant Harsh Mander saying that it "opened the floodgates for this series of orders by courts that run contrary to the 1991 law".
"If you allow the survey of a mosque to determine if a temple lay below it, but then prohibit actions to restore a temple at that site, this is a surefire recipe for fostering resentment, hate and fear that could detonate for years in bitter feuds between people of diverse faiths," Mr Mander wrote.
Thursday's Supreme Court order means that these surveys and ongoing court cases remain on hold for now.
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ప్రార్ధనా స్థలాలపై విచారణ  ఆపండి 
Supreme Court: ప్రార్థన స్థలాలపై విచారణ ఆపండి!
ABN , Publish Date - Dec 13 , 2024 | 05:20 AM
తాము తదుపరి ఉత్తర్వులు ఇచ్చేంతవరకూ దేశంలోని ఏ కోర్టూ.. ప్రార్థనా స్థలాలకు సంబంధించి కొత్త వ్యాజ్యాలను తీసుకోరాదని, ఇప్పటికే ఉన్న కేసుల్లో సర్వే నిర్వహణ సహా ఎలాంటి మధ్యంతర ఆదేశాలు, తుది ఉత్తర్వులు జారీ చేయరాదని సుప్రీంకోర్టు ఆదేశించింది.
Supreme Court: ప్రార్థన స్థలాలపై విచారణ ఆపండి!
మేం తదుపరి ఉత్తర్వులిచ్చేదాకా కొత్త వ్యాజ్యాలు స్వీకరించొద్దు

పెండింగ్‌ కేసుల్లో తీర్పులు ఇవ్వొద్దు
సర్వే నిర్వహణ సహా ఎలాంటి మధ్యంతర ఆదేశాలూ వద్దు
కింది కోర్టులకు సుప్రీంకోర్టు ఆదేశం కౌంటర్‌కు కేంద్రానికి నెల గడువు
న్యూఢిల్లీ, డిసెంబరు 12: తాము తదుపరి ఉత్తర్వులు ఇచ్చేంతవరకూ దేశంలోని ఏ కోర్టూ.. ప్రార్థనా స్థలాలకు సంబంధించి కొత్త వ్యాజ్యాలను తీసుకోరాదని, ఇప్పటికే ఉన్న కేసుల్లో సర్వే నిర్వహణ సహా ఎలాంటి మధ్యంతర ఆదేశాలు, తుది ఉత్తర్వులు జారీ చేయరాదని సుప్రీంకోర్టు ఆదేశించింది. ‘‘ఈ అంశం మా (సర్వోన్నత న్యాయస్థానం) పరిధిలో ఉన్నందున, మేం తదుపరి ఉత్తర్వులు ఇచ్చేంతవరకూ దీనిపై కొత్త కేసులు స్వీకరించడం, పాత కేసుల్లో చర్యలు తీసుకోవడం సముచితం కాదని భావిస్తున్నాం’’ అని సీజేఐ జస్టిస్‌ సంజీవ్‌ ఖన్నా, జస్టిస్‌ సంజయ్‌ కుమార్‌, జస్టిస్‌ కేవీ విశ్వనాథన్‌తో కూడిన త్రిసభ్య ధర్మాసనం వ్యాఖ్యానించింది. ‘‘ప్రార్థనా స్థలాల (ప్రత్యేక నిబంధనల) చట్టం, 1991’’లోని పలు నిబంధనలను సవాల్‌ చేస్తూ ప్రముఖ న్యాయవాది అశ్విని ఉపాధ్యాయ దాఖలు చేసిన పిటిషన్‌ సహా ఆరు పిటిషన్ల విచారణ సందర్భంగా సీజేఐ నేతృత్వంలోని ప్రత్యేక ధర్మాసనం ఈ ఆదేశాలు జారీ చేసింది.

కాశీలో జ్ఞానవాపి, మథురలో షాహీ ఈద్గాహ్‌ మసీదు సహా దేశవ్యాప్తంగా 10 మసీదులు/ముస్లిం ప్రార్థనా మందిరాల్లో సర్వే నిర్వహించాలని కోరుతూ దాఖలైన 18 వ్యాజ్యాల్లో తదుపరి విచారణలు ఈ ఆదేశాలతో నిలిచిపోనున్నాయి. 1947 ఆగస్టు 15 నాటికి దేశవ్యాప్తంగా ఉన్న ప్రార్థనా స్థలాల మత స్వభావాన్ని మార్చడానికి వీల్లేకుండా 1991లో అప్పటి కాంగ్రెస్‌ సర్కారు.. ‘‘ప్రార్థనా స్థలాల (ప్రత్యేక నిబంధనల) చట్టం, 1991’’ని రూపొందించింది. రామజన్మభూమి-బాబ్రీ మసీదు మాత్రం ఈ చట్టం పరిధిలోకి రాకుండా.. ఇదే చట్టంలోని సెక్షన్‌ ఐదు ద్వారా మినహాయింపునిచ్చారు. ఈ చట్టంలోని నిబంధనలను వ్యతరేకిస్తూ.. ఈ చట్టాన్ని రద్దు చేయాలని కోరుతూ ఆరు పిటిషన్లు దాఖలయ్యాయి. అదే సమయంలో.. ఈ చట్టాన్ని రద్దు చేస్తే దేశంలో మతసామరస్యం దెబ్బతింటుందని, కాబట్టి దాన్ని రద్దు చేయకూడదని, హిందూ పక్షాలు కేసులు వేసిన మసీదుల యథాతథస్థితిని కొనసాగించాలని కోరుతూ కూడా పలు పిటిషన్లు దాఖలయ్యాయి.


ఈ పిటిషన్లన్నింటినీ విచారిస్తున్న ధర్మాసనం.. తాము ఈ చట్టం న్యాయబద్ధతను, పరిధిని పరిశీలిస్తున్నామని, కాబట్టి దేశంలోని ఇతర కోర్టులు ఈ తరహా కేసుల్లో విచారణ చేపట్టవద్దని చెప్పడం అనివార్యంగా భావిస్తున్నామని పేర్కొంది. అయితే, ఒక హిందూ పక్షం తరఫున వాదనలు వినిపిస్తున్న సీనియర్‌ న్యాయవాది జె.సాయి దీపక్‌.. సుప్రీం ఆదేశాలను వ్యతిరేకించారు. ఇలాంటి ఆదేశాలు ఇచ్చేముందు అన్ని పక్షాల వాదనలూ వినాలని కోరారు. దీనికి సీజేఐ.. సుప్రీంకోర్టు విస్తృత పరిశీలనలో ఉన్న అంశాలపై ఎలాంటి ఆదేశాలూ జారీచేయొద్దని కోర్టులను కోరడం సహజమేనని గుర్తుచేశారు. ట్రయల్‌ కోర్టులు సుప్రీంకోర్టును కాదని విచారణ జరపవచ్చా? అని ప్రశ్నించారు. ఈ అంశంపై కేంద్రం వైఖరి ఏమిటో తెలియకుండా నిర్ణయం తీసుకోలేం కాబట్టి.. నాలుగు వారాల్లోగా సమాధానం దాఖలు చేయాలని, దాన్ని ఎవరైనా డౌన్‌లోడ్‌ చేసుకునే విధంగా వెబ్‌సైట్‌లో పెట్టాలని కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వాన్ని ఆదేశించారు. కేంద్రం స్పందనపై సమాధానాల దాఖలుకు ఈ కేసుల్లో పార్టీలుగా ఉన్నవారికి మరో నాలుగువారాల గడువిచ్చారు. అలాగే.. ఈ కేసులో కేంద్రం తరఫున కాను అగర్వాల్‌ను, చట్టాన్ని సవాల్‌ చేస్తున్న పిటిషనర్ల తరఫున విష్ణు శంకర్‌ జైన్‌ను, చట్టాన్ని సమర్థిస్తూ పిటిషన్లు దాఖలు చేసిన పక్షాల తరఫున ఇజాజ్‌ మక్బూల్‌ను నోడల్‌ న్యాయవాదులుగా నియమించిన సుప్రీంకోర్టు, తదుపరి విచారణను ఎనిమిది వారాలకు వాయిదా వేసింది.
Updated Date - Dec 13 , 2024 | 05:21 AM