Tuesday, 5 February 2019

James Laine’s Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India and the attack on the Bhandarkar

James Laine’s Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India 
and the attack on the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 
Background - Chronology - Reactions


Introduction
A guide to what's at issue
Chronology
Reactions

     For more information, please also see in this issue of the crQ:
James Laine’s Controversial Book by Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan and Amodini Bagwe
Attacking Myths and Institutions: James Laine’s Shivaji and BORI
- the Editors, the complete review


Introduction

       On 5 January 2004 a group calling itself the Sambhaji Brigade attacked the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) in Pune, in the state of Maharashtra, India. There was considerable damage done to the holdings of this significant cultural repository, including to irreplaceable and unique objects of historical and literary importance. While not on the same scale, it was a catastrophe comparable to the recent destruction and looting of libraries in Sarajevo and Iraq, or the destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas in Afghanistan, a devastating blow to contemporary civilization and to the preservation of what remains of previous ones. 
       The attack was the preliminary culmination in a series of increasingly disturbing and destructive events that were triggered by the publication of James W. Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India (Oxford University Press, 2003). Laine's book sparked controversy in India, leading Oxford University Press India to withdraw it from the local market in November 2003. This did not sufficiently appease those upset by the book. American professor Laine had done some of the research for his book at BORI, and he thanked the institute and some scholars affiliated with it in his acknowledgements; the institute and its members were then targeted by those angered by the book. In December 2003 one of those thanked by Laine, historian Shrikant Bahulkar, was assaulted, his face blackened by Shiv Sena activists. Then, in January, came the attack on the institute itself. 
       While the attack was widely condemned, and over 70 of the participants were arrested, Laine and his undertaking continue to be denounced. Shivaji has now been banned, and Laine has been charged by the authorities and appears to be subject to arrest if he returns to India. Laine and his book -- and BORI -- continue to be used in what appears to be an increasingly politicised debate. 

       These events are particularly disturbing because, unlike most other recent incidents of large-scale cultural vandalism, they occurred in a country at peace, and in a democracy -- a system that depends on a tolerance for a plurality of opinions and on free expression to properly function. Also striking -- and worrisome -- is that the conflict has been framed as one centred around questions of historical (in)accuracy and and (ir)responsibile scholarship, but there has been little interest from many of those challenging Laine's book to debate these questions, as they have answered them with mob-rule and violence instead of counter-argument. 
       There has been much discussion about these events in India, but, despite the supranational issues at stake, as well as the roles played by an American professor and the world's largest -- and one of the most respected -- university presses, international press coverage has been very limited. The conflict is a complex one, and it is both politically and religiously highly charged, centred around an historical figure -- Shivaji -- who is not well known outside India. 
       In this introductory overview we try to present the necessary background information to allow some understanding of the events that have taken place. Other pieces in this edition of the complete review Quarterly devoted to the subject are Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan and Amodini Bagwe 's essay on James Laine’s Controversial Book and our commentary, Attacking Myths and Institutions: James Laine’s Shivaji and BORI 

- Return to top of the page -


A guide to what's at issue

       Shivaji 
       Chhattrapati Shivaji Maharaj (also known simply as Shivaji or Sivaji) lived 1627/1630 to 1680. A Maratha leader, he was fiercely opposed to the Mughals that at that time controlled much of what is now India, and was instrumental in establishing Marathi independence. Crowned the first Maratha king in 1674, he is a founding-father figure who is still highly revered in India, especially in the state of Maharashtra (major cities: Mumbai (Bombay) and Pune); see, for example the official Maharashtra state site, where a page is devoted to Shivaji: the Maker of the Maratha Nation 
       Shivaji is also perceived as a specifically Hindu hero, having established a Hindu empire in opposition to the Mughals (who were Muslim, and foreign). While widely revered in India, Hindu-nationalist groups have been particularly vociferous in allowing no criticism of the man, his accomplishments, and the legends around him. 
       His name, of great symbolic value, is often invoked, especially in recent years as a Hindu-focussed nationalism (and political polarization) in India has been resurgent. So, for example, Mumbai (formerly Bombay) airport has apparently been re-named: Chhatrapati Shivaji International Airport. 

       For additional information, see:
Chhatrapati Shivaji - The Legend
Shivaji at Wikipedia
Shivaji at Freeindia.org
The Complexities of Shivaji by Vijay Prashad, at Proxsa (also at HVK.org, where -- scroll down -- there is a response from Bhalchandrarao C. Patwardhan)


       James W. Laine 
       James W. Laine is the Arnold H. Lowe Professor and Chair of Religious Studies at Macalester College; see his faculty page. He got his B.A. from Texas Tech, and his M.T.S. and Th.D. from Harvard. 


       James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India 
       James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India was published by Oxford University Press; see the complete review's review. It apparently appeared in the US and the UK in early 2003, and was then published in India in the summer of 2003. 
       In describing the book Oxford University Press writes:
The legends of his life have become an epic story that everyone in western India knows, and an important part of the Hindu nationalists' ideology. To read Shivaji's legend today is to find expression of deeply held convictions about what Hinduism means and how it is opposed to Islam.
       They also suggest:
Different sub-groups, representing a range of religious persuasions, found it in their advantage to accentuate or diminish the importance of Hindu and Muslim identity and the ideologies that supported the construction of such identities. By studying the evolution of the Shivaji legend, Laine demonstrates, we can trace the development of such constructions in both pre-British and post-colonial periods.
       It appears that Laine's focus on a shifting legend -- rather a fixed-in-stone image of the man some groups insist upon -- and the notion that the legend has been adapted for other purposes is among the aspects of the book that has proved most controversial. (Ironically, reactions by some groups that tolerate only their current notion of the legend would appear to support at least Laine's underlying thesis.) 

       The statement in the book that appears to have provoked the greatest outrage is the mention that it has been suggested that Shivaji's father was not Shahaji, Laine writing: "Maharashtrians tell jokes naughtily that Shivaji’s biological father was Dadoji Kondeo Kulkarni" (quoted, for example, in The Telegraph, 18 January). This statement -- indeed, even the mere suggestion -- is apparently considered an outrageous insult and defamation of Shivaji, Shahaji, and Shivaji's mother, Jijabai (all highly revered). The claim is also widely considered unfounded and gratuitous; apparently this particular 'naughty joke' is not familiar to most Maharashtrians (or at least none appear to have come forward acknowledging that they've heard this sort of banter). 

       In his acknowledgements Laine thanked numerous people, writing also:
In India, my scholarly home has been the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune, and there I profited from the advice and assistance of the senior librarian, V. L. Manjul. I read texts and learned informally a great deal about Marathi literature and Maharashtrian culture from S. S. Bahulkar, Sucheta Paranjpe, Y. B. Damle, Rekha Damle, Bhaskar Chandavarkar, and Meena Chandavarkar. Thanks to the American Institute of Indian Studies and Madhav Bhandare, I was able to spend three productive periods of research in Pune.
       Laine's thanks were apparently interpreted as a declaration of scholarly complicity, and those named were among those targeted by the groups opposed to Laine's work -- despite the fact that several scholars attached to BORI distanced themselves from the book and were among those demanding that OUP India withdraw the book. 

       Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India has not been widely reviewed (in part likely because it is a scholarly work of the sort generally mainly reviewed in academic journals, many of which take longer to review titles than the mass media does). Among the few reviews is V.N. Datta's in The Sunday Tribune (7 December), An image that might be disturbing 

       For additional information see:
The OUP-USA publicity page ((Updated - 29 March): The book is no longer listed in the OUP-USA catalogue)
The OUP publicity page ((Updated - 29 March): The book is barely listed in the OUP catalogue)
A sample chapter
V.N. Datta's review, An image that might be disturbing (The Sunday Tribune, 7 December)
Danny Yee's review at Danny Yee's Book Reviews 

To purchase Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India
from Amazon.com
from Amazon.co.uk


       Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 
       The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute is located in Pune. It was founded in 1917 and is a leading repository of Indological manuscripts and a renowned centre for scholarship. 
       For additional information see:
BORI at virtualpune.com
A learning house with a world-wide appeal, at the Times of India


       Sambhaji Brigade 
       A small, previously little known group affiliated with the Hindu-nationalist organisation, Maratha Seva Sangh 

- Return to top of the page -


Chronology

       (Based on Ketaki Ghoge's chronology in his article, Rape of culture leaves city in shock (Indian Express, 5 January), and other mentioned sources. See also Anupama Katakam's article, Politics of vandalism in Frontline (issue of 17-30 January) for a good overview (and pictures).) 
June, 2003: James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India published in India by Oxford University Press India. 

November, 2003: Scholars affiliated with the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI), historians (including Jaysinhrao Pawar, Babasaheb Purandare, Ninad Bedekar, and Gajanan Mehendale), and others (including city MP Pradeep Rawat) called for the withdrawal of the book. (See Scholar destroys own work on Shivaji, Manjiri Damle, Times of India, 27 December) 

21 November 2003: Oxford University Press India apologised and withdrew the book from the Indian market. (The book continued to be listed in the OUP India catalogue until mid-January, but has since been removed. The book remains in print and available outside India.) 

22 December 2003: Shiv Sena activists confronted and attacked scholars attached to BORI over their role in assisting Laine with his book. Sanskrit scholar Shrikant Bahulkar was physically assaulted and his face blackened (an act meant to shame him). (See Scholar destroys own work on Shivaji) 

25 December 2003: Gajanan Mehendale, who had previously called for the withdrawal of Laine's book, went to the Shiv Sena offices to demand an apology for the assault on Bahulkar. When none was forthcoming he destroyed several hundred manuscript pages of his own unpublished biographical study of Shivaji. (See Scholar destroys own work on Shivaji) 

28 December 2003: Shiv Sena leader Raj Thackeray personally apologised to Bahulkar. The Times of India reported (29 December) that:
Raj assured Bahulkar that such incidents would not be repeated and that Sena activists would have to get a "clearance" from the toprung leaders before embarking on such "aggressive campaigns" in the future.

late December, 2003: James Laine faxed a statement apologising to some Pune scholars. The Times of India reported Laine says sorry for hurting sentiments (30 December), quoting:
"It was never my intention to defame the great Maharashtrian hero. I had no desire to upset those for whom he is an emblem of regional and national pride, and I apologise for inadvertently doing so," he said in a faxed message to some city scholars. "I foolishly misread the situation in India and figured the book would receive scholarly criticism, not censorship and condemnation. Again I apologise," the American author said.

5 January, 2004: Over 150 activists from the Sambhaji Brigade attacked BORI, ransacking the building, defacing books and artworks, and destroying property. The extent of the damage is not clear at this time -- especially regarding the irreplaceable manuscripts and historical artefacts -- but appears to be considerable . Seventy-two of the hooligans were arrested. (See also: 'Maratha' activists vandalise Bhandarkar (Times of India), Helping Laine: Books, powada, poem (Express News Service), and Mob ransacks Pune's Bhandarkar Institute (Rupa Chapalgaonkar, Mid-Day)) 

6 January: Mid-Day published Pune institute's desecration shocks author, in which Laine comments on events and explains, inter alia:
My goal was not to establish my version of the true history of Shivaji, but to examine the forces that shaped the commonly held views. In so doing, I suggest that there might be other ways of reading the historical evidence, but in making such a suggestion, I have elicited a storm of criticism. I am astonished.

7 January: In the Indian Express Shailesh Gaikwad reports MSS chief’s clout keeps govt away. Illustrating the government's disturbing priorities (and a continued interest in appeasing populist elements) State Home Minister R.R. Patil is quoted as saying:
We condemn the attack and also distorting of the history of Chhatrapati Shivaji. The government is seeking legal opinion to ascertain if any action can be taken against the author and also whether the book can be banned.

9 January: At a press conference Sambhaji Brigade spokesman Shrimant Kokate is reported (in the Times of India) to have expressed pleasantries such as:
"In fact, scholars should be happy that Bori is still intact," he remarked. Kokate said that the brigade was "most unhappy" that scholars who had helped Laine were "still alive" and demanded that they face an inquiry or be handed over to the Brigade. Kokate expressed his displeasure about the fact that the media had labelled them as goons. "We will deal with the media later," he threatened.
In another report (Express News Service) he is quoted as saying:
Those who fed him [Laine] with the offensive information should be hanged by the government. If the government is unable to do so they should be handed over to us.
Kokate was apparently not arrested for these inflammatory remarks. Instead: 

9 January: Charges were filed against James Laine and OUP India by the Deccan Gymkhana police. The charges are registered under Sections 153 and 153(A) of the Indian Penal Code. (As A.G. Noorani notes in Chhatrapati or bust (Hindustan Times, 27 January), Section 153A has frequently -- but selectively -- been invoked over the past decade and more, writing: "Section 153A is not invoked to suppress the VHP or the Shiv Sena’s hate campaign but to suppress scholarly books unacceptable to them.".) These sections read:
153. Wantonly giving provocation with intent to cause riot (...) 
153A. Promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony
(See also Case against Laine, OUP (Express News Service) and Pune police book American writer Laine (Times of India)) 

12 January: James Laine published a commentary piece, In India, 'the Unthinkable' Is Printed at One's Peril in The Los Angeles Times; it is, unfortunately, not freely accessible on the Internet. In it he describes his interest in Shivaji, his book, early reactions to it, and then the events that unfolded. He relates how, initially, the book "even ranked up with Hillary Rodham Clinton's in the local list of English-language bestsellers in Pune", and mentions:
Back in Pune this summer, I saw a couple of bland but positive reviews in the Indian papers. I thought, "As long as they don't get to the last chapter."
He concludes the piece:
The vast majority of Indians are appalled at what happened in Pune. And yet no one has stepped forward to defend my book and no one has called for it to be distributed again. Few will read it for themselves. Instead, many will live with the knowledge that India is a country where many thoughts are unthinkable or, if thought, best kept quiet.

13 January: Mid-Day reports -- in an article with a very understated headline -- OUP asked to shut Pune office. As the article explains:
Maratha organsisations supporting Sambhaji Brigade have now forced the Oxford University Press showroom in Pune to down shutters. (...) They told the employees there that (...) they should down their shutters or else face consequences.
No arrests were reported. 

14 January: Despite the fact that OUP had already withdrawn Laine's book from the Indian market two months earlier, the Maharashtra government moved -- eventually successfully -- to have Laine's book banned, again citing Sections 153 and 153A of the Indian Penal Code. (See reports from the Times of India (14 January) and Reuters (16 January).) 

16 January: Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee admirably spoke out against the book-ban. The Times of India reported PM shoots from the hip, upsets Shiv Sena, NCP, and quotes the Prime Minister as sensibly stating:
He said the "right way" to express disagreement was through discussion. "Countering the views in a particular book by another good book is understandable," Mr Vajpayee said, adding that he did not approve of the ban on Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India by American writer James Laine.
The Express New Service report, PM flags off Mumbai campaign, opposes ban on Shivaji book, had it a bit differently, quoting the PM as saying:
"If you do not like anything in a particular book, then sit and discuss it. Banning a book is not a solution, we have to tackle it ideologically ... If differences of opinion remain after a issue is discussed, the best way would be to come out with another good book on the subject"
As the Times of India report also notes: "Ironically, the PM made this observation at a function to unveil a majestic statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji in the Sahar airport precincts." 

Vajpayee's comments were immediately denounced, including by groups allied with the PM's party. Indifferent to principles, at least one person shifted the focus to what is really at issue:
"He should have kept mum, especially since elections are round the corner," a senior Sena leader present at the function told TNN.
(See also PM not happy with ban on book on Shivaji in Mid-Day) 

       (Updated - 29 March): Unfortunately, once election time rolled around, Vajpayee began singing a different tune; see entry of 20 March. 

January 18: Politicians continued to seek to outdo one another in their defence of Shivaji. Express News Service reports Antulay calls for legal action against Laine (17 January), as senior Congress leader A.R.Antulay attacked Laine, "urging the government to take all necessary legal steps to punish him." He is also quoted as saying:
"How can a dialogue be held if somebody is abusing your father and mother ?" Antulay asked. (...) He said Shivaji was the pride of India and Indians should not tolerate any humiliation of their heroes.
Meanwhile, The Hindu reported (18 January) that Chief Minister Sushilkumar Shinde: "said it was 'not fair' to write such 'bad things' about Shivaji." 

19 January: The Times of India reported (20 January) that MSS threatens more attacks on BORI: apparently the Maratha Sewa Sangh warned that: "the ‘Sambhaji Brigade’, would resort to more attacks if students were made to collect money for rebuilding Bori." Despite such threats, no arrests were reported. 

21 January: The Times of India reported that Maratha group flays Sambhaji brigade, describing a newly-formed group, Maratha Yuvak Parishad (MYP), opposed to the use of Shivaji by activists "to further their own political ends". 

22 January: The Times of India reported that Maratha outfit files petititon against BORI. Maratha Vikas Sangh has apparently set its sights even higher, having:
filed a petition in the Bombay high court demanding that all documents at BORI be seized by the union government. Refusing the let the James Laine controversy die down, MVS has also demanded censorship on all books that would be written on historical figures.
(This demand for a quasi-Soviet approach to ensure that the historical record is kept ... straight apparently has not been widely embraced; nevertheless, despite suggesting such a thing, the MVS is, amazingly, still taken seriously.) 

28 January: The Times of India reports 'Silent’ majority lodges protest at BORI:
On Republic Day, inspired by a chain e-mail circulated over the last two weeks, citizens made a beeline for the institute to register a silent protest against the vandalism. This, despite a police warning against gathering at the institute on R-Day. Every protestor dropped a rupee coin in specially placed urns, as a token contribution towards the restoration of the institute.

March: Oxford University Press apparently withdraws all references to Laine's book from all its online catalogues (previously information had been available both at OUP-USA and the main OUP site). It is unclear whether this is a move to remove the book from the market entirely (including the US and the UK), or merely a defensive legal maneuver (to preclude any liability claims). 

16 March: Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani bravely maintained: "that he was against banning any controversial publication". (See Advani against banning controversial books (The Hindu, 16 March) and Advani against ban on Laine's book on Shivaji (at NDTV).) This, of course, led to: 

17 March: The Times of India reported of the Uproar in house as DF defends ‘Shivaji’ ban:
Proceedings in both houses of the state legislature were stalled for over two hours on Wednesday after the opposition Shiv Sena-BJP members objected to the ruling coalition members’ suggestion that Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Deputy Prime Minister K Advani should apologise for disapproving of the state’s ban on the controversial book Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India, penned by American scholar James Laine.

20 March: The pressure -- and election politics -- finally got to Prime Minister Vajpayee as he kicked off the BJP election campaign in Maharahstra, as he suddenly decided the government ban on Laine's book was a pretty darn good idea after all. Not only that: he also felt it necessary to assure his listeners: "We are prepared to take action against the foreign author", and that this was "a warning to all foreign authors that they do not play with our national pride". 

See reports in Mid-Day (Shivaji is my ideal, says Vajpayee) and Newindpress.com (Vajpayee kickstarts campaign with warning to foreign authors). 

late March: Seeing how well the fervent pro-Shivaji attitude played to the crowds, and seeking to outdo all those who were satisfied with merely bashing James Laine, state BJP president Gopinath Munde decided he could profit by going after bigger fish closer to home and:
demanded a ban on Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s classic Discovery of India on the ground that a 1986 edition of the book contains remarks highly derogatory of the Maratha king.
(See Ban Nehru's Discovery of India: State BJP, The Times of India, 19 March). 

Unfortunately, the overeager Munde apparently never looked at the book in question: as The Times of India reported (21 March), Nehru's book: "contains no such derogatory remark." 

A few days later even Munde had to admit as much -- excusing his zeal on the grounds that: "I am a politician and not a scholar". But, just so nobody would think he was going soft, he added: "there is no change in my party’s stand -- it will not tolerate any insult to national heroes like Shivaji". (See: Munde wriggles out of Nehru gaffe, The Times of India, 25 March). 

late March: Another crowd-pleasing, debate-stifling stunt: Pune police commissioner D.N.Jadhav:
told reporters today that he was writing to Laine to summon him to India for questioning. If Laine refuses the "request," the police chief plans to move court. And if Laine ignores the summons, the police will seek the help of CBI and Interpol, Jadhav said.
(See Day after showing off liberal face, Cong hounds US professor, The Indian Express, 23 March.) 

This at least got some international attention -- see the BBC's report, India seeks to arrest US scholar -- and again seems to have played very well in India, where everybody seemed to get really excited about possibly involving Interpol (despite the fact that Laine's whereabouts are well-known); see, for example, State to seek extradition of Shivaji author (The Times of India, 23 March) 

Unfortunately, as Vijay Singh noted at Rediff (27 March): Bringing Laine back: Easier said than done. (In fact, it is clear that Laine has not been charged with any extraditable offense.) 

As usual, there was far more bluster than action: by 25 March the headline was: No letter to Laine as yet (Indian Express, 25 March), as (sensibly):
Police Commissioner D N Jadhav today said the police will not be sending a letter to James Laine, the author of Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India asking him to come to India till April 5 since a petition has been filed in the Bombay High Court.
See also: Criminal action stayed against Laine (Mid-Day, 27 March). 

9 July 2010: As widely reported, the Supreme Court in Maharashtra denied a state government plea to ban the book; see, for example Laine’s book on Shivaji okay: SC in The Economic Times.
- Return to top of the page -


Reactions

       Almost no attention has been paid to the controversy surrounding Laine's book or the attack on BORI outside of India. Laine's opinion piece, In India, 'the Unthinkable' Is Printed at One's Peril, in the 12 January issue of The Los Angeles Times, and an article by Martha Ann Overland ("Vandals Attack Research Center in India in Retaliation for Help It Gave to American Scholar") in the Chronicle of Higher Education (issue of 23 January), neither of which is freely available on the Internet, and a Star Tribune article by Mary Jane Smetanka, Macalester professor's book incites a riot a world away ((Updated - 29 March): now only available at WCCO), were among the very few mentions in the American press. 
       ((Updated - 29 March): With the calls for Laine's arrest at the end of March there has again been some international coverage, most notably Scott Baldauf's article, How a US historian sparked calls for his arrest - in India, in the Christian Science Monitor (29 March). See also Sara Rajan's A Study in Conflict (Time (Asia), 5 April).) 

       What reactions there have been in the academic community do not appear to have made any impact or found any resonance outside those limited circles. There also appear to have been no calls to withdraw Laine's book, or ban it, anywhere outside India. 

       In India , the attack on BORI has been widely (though far from universally) condemned. The destruction of property, especially that which is unique and of historical significance, and the threats against scholars have been denounced in the press and in public. Prime Minister Vajpee's approach, as reported in the Times of India, seems to be the preferred one: "He said the "right way" to express disagreement was through discussion" -- though even some of his political allies denounced him for these statements and his opposition to the book-ban. 
       Disturbingly, a significant minority has been willing to excuse even the attacks on BORI as justifiable under the circumstances, and while 72 of those responsible were arrested and charged, there have been continued threats (both legal and physical) against BORI, scholars associated with it, and against author James Laine. 

       As Laine noted in his 12 January piece in The Los Angeles Times:
The vast majority of Indians are appalled at what happened in Pune. And yet no one has stepped forward to defend my book and no one has called for it to be distributed again.
       Indeed, most of these events took place after Laine's book had officially been withdrawn from the Indian market, i.e. essentially no longer existed. The banning of the book and the attacks on BORI and various scholars were thus clearly aimed not only at this specific case, but at the whole enterprise of scholarship, and of freedom of expression. Concerns about this have been raised in the media, but Laine's book has received little support: there still appear to have been almost no calls for it to be made available in India again. 
       Surprisingly, there has also been almost no criticism of Oxford University Press' self-censorship and withdrawal of the book from the Indian market. A rare mention can found is in the "Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)", People's Democracy, who properly note (25 January):
The media have criticised the Shiv Sainiks’ pranks but not the hastiness of the Oxford University Press in withdrawing the book even before the matter became public or the government for banning the book even before the matter was discussed in public fora.
       There have been numerous opinion pieces regarding these incidents. Among the disturbing trends they make note of is the uneven use of Section 153A of the Indian Penal Code to limit expression, and the politicising of what should be academic debates. 

       Among the opinion pieces are:
Dileep Padgaonkar on Myth against history (Times of India, 25 January), who finds these events: "drive home the point yet again that in this country it is myth, not history, that ignites popular imagination." 

A.G. Noorani's Chhatrapati or bust (Hindustan Times, 27 January), where he writes of what happened: "It was not an aberration. It is part of a practice, connived at and condoned, during the past decade and more." 

Ananya Vajpeyi's Everything Foul and Unfair (The Telegraph, 19 January), where he suggests the most critical question is: "(A)re we prepared to defend acts of violence perpetrated in the name of our identity, our beliefs and finally, our sentiments ?" 

An editorial in The Indian Express (7 January), in which the authors argue: "We cannot have the mob write our history for us. Every time we compromise on this principle, every time a publishing house allows itself to recall a book, every time the authorities fail to punish the vandals, every time politicians seize such issues for narrow political gains, every time the barbarian at the gate is accommodated, we fail not just our academics but our historical legacy of open scholarship." 

Rajeev Dhavan's Burn, Burn, Destroy (available at the Outlook India site, 23 January), where he notes: "In the last decade or so, new emerging patterns of social censorship seem to have eclipsed the framework of legal censorship that has been bequeathed to India by the British." 

Nalini Taneja on Politics of Rightwing Sectarianism (People's Democracy, 25 January), arguing: "In what has been happening today by way of policing and censorship of culture, and to history teaching and research, by way of verbal and physical attacks on democratic expression, our state and media have a very definite role to play." 

Sandhya Jain on Demeaning Shivaji, denigrating dharma (The Pioneer, 27 January, published here at HVK.org), who finds: "Having purchased and read James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India only after it was officially withdrawn by the publishers, I cannot view the events at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) as totally unjustified." 

Swapan Dasgupta on Reclaiming the Hindu Gods (The Telegraph, 30 January), who reports that: "Beginning sometime last year, American Hindus have mounted a spirited attack on the bastions of Indology in the North American universities" and believes: "The battle to reassess Indian heritage in keeping with the achievements of Indians involves a long haul. It will not be won by bans on offensive texts or McCarthy-ite purges of the infuriatingly perverse. It has to be fought with civility, argument, rigour and a sense of strategy." 

Manu Dash, wondering: Feel-shame factor, anyone ? (The Statesman), noting: "Our country has time and again failed to stay true to its credential of tolerance." 

Vaishnavi K. Sekhar finding: Historians rue attack on freedom of expression (The Times of India, 24 March), noting that: "The casualty of cultural censorship may be scholarship".
       (Note that in considering reactions in India we are limited to English-language material that is freely accessible via the Internet. It should be clear that this material may well not be representative of broader opinion, or even of media opinion. The Hindu and Marathi language press may well have responded entirely differently.) 

       Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan and Amodini Bagwe's piece, James Laine’s Controversial Book, published in this issue of the complete review Quarterly, offers a somewhat different perspective, focussing on what exactly it is about Laine's book that many find so upsetting. 

       There has also been some coverage of these events on weblogs, most notably at Kitabkhana and Ryan's Lair (as well as at the Literary Saloon). 

James Laine’s Controversial Book Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India

James Laine’s Controversial Book 
Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India 
(New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2nd ed., 2003) 

by 
Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan & Amodini Bagwe


     Please note that the views expressed herein are those of the authors and not of the complete review. 

     For more information, please also see in this issue of the crQ:
James Laine’s Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India and the attack on the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute: Background - Chronology - Reactions
Attacking Myths and Institutions: James Laine’s Shivaji and BORI
- the Editors, the complete review


       While condemning the attacks on the BORI Archives in Pune and on Prof. Bahulkar in the strongest possible terms, we wish to share our views about Laine's casual scholarship on Shivaji as presented in his latest book. 
       Some of his remarks suggest willful, calculated sensationalism than honest scholarship. Despite his apology issued last month after the OUP quietly withdrew the book from the Indian market (LINK), which he has practically withdrawn as of now (LINK), there are many issues that need both examination and comment. As Laine himself admits in the book, he has cavalierly presented gossip and innuendo without an iota of documentary substantiation, and then on that basis, proceeded to construct his flawed argument. Naturally, we must question his motives in undertaking such an exercise. This is important since next to nothing has appeared in the media by way of comment on the actual contents of the book. 
       It must be asserted that at no time in history has India been Islamic. Indeed, how could it have been so, when it has always had a majority of non-Muslims in its population ? True, following the waves of Islamic invasions that began in right earnest around the 12th century CE, certain parts of the country did have Muslim rulers who imposed Islamic law on the entire populace they governed, but that does not make India Islamic, since a non-Muslim majority continued to follow their own religious tenets, come what may. 
       As for Hindu regimes, unlike Christian or Islamic ones, the king could have no religion according to time-honoured mores. As an individual, like any one of his subjects, he was free to profess and practise his version of any one of myriad indigenous doctrines that together constitute Hinduism; but as king, he necessarily had to be secular, regarding all forms of religious expression with due impartiality. Even a cursory study of Indian history clearly shows how indigenous States encouraged even antipodal doctrines to flourish. Therefore, with no king (including Shivaji) who was Hindu, and an India that was never Islamic, the astonishing title -- ‘Hindu King in Islamic India’ -- leaves one wondering about the extent of Laine’s understanding of the subject he addresses with such authority ! 
       Moreover, Laine himself must be aware that various Muslim dynasties in India, whether Mughal, Bahamani, Adilshahi, Nizamshahi, or many of the fragmented Sultanates, were then ruled by alien invaders from Central and Middle Eastern Asia, analogous to Islamic invasions of Europe. A major portion of the invading armies constituted mercenaries with extra-territorial loyalties, including Mongols, Turks, Arabs, Persians, Afghans, and Siddis from Ethiopia. Viewing the book title from this perspective, the effort seems to be more of a hasty hatchet job with questionable historical validity, seeking to cash in on the post-9/11 global upsurge of interest in Islam. 
       Coming to the most incendiary part of the book, leading to the recent turmoil in Maharashtra, Laine reports outright hearsay on p.93: "Maharashtrians tell jokes naughtily suggesting that his guardian Dadaji Konddev was his biological father" ! The reader may well wonder whether such seemingly casual inclusion of injurious gossip related to one's chief protagonist is a convention in serious cross-cultural scholarship ! As a matter of fact, love and adoration of Shivaji is the bottomline truth in the state, and we have never come across such a motivated rumour until Laine’s book was published ! Outsiders fail to understand that while Shivaji’s rugged forts stand testimony to his great heroism in an all-too-brief tenure of forty years as a warrior and strategist of epic proportions, it is upon the very hearts and minds of the common populace that these nearly four centuries old magical legends are etched to eternity: a testimony to the greatness of a culture that has survived untold depredations and chicanery. In fact, this is what makes the "Shivaji story" immune to fabrication to suit contemporary designs of a handful of elite scholars and their political instigators. 
       From the scholarly perspective, the wholly unsubstantiated insinuation that Shahaji was not Shivaji’s "biological father" is implausible, incredible and outrageous ! Unlike lax norms of familial or marital propriety that characterize ‘civilized’ Western societies, loose speculation about someone’s ancestry is a very serious matter indeed even in contemporary Indian ethos, not to speak of conditions almost four centuries ago. At that time, societal sanctions were immensely more rigid and the consequences of their transgression, all too tragic. A scandalous event like that implied by Laine would scarcely escape immediate detection, judgment and censure. Anybody indulging in such conduct would have courted severe social stigma, especially someone like Jijabai who both hailed from and was married into aristocracy. The progeny of an allegedly adulterous relationship would never be accepted as king by a tradition-bound people who looked up to the monarch as an incarnation of Divinity ! 
       It must be asserted that Shahaji, who is superciliously alluded to by Laine as an "absentee father", was forced to lodge his expecting wife and yet-to-be-born child in the safe haven of the Shivneri fort because of untold political uncertainty prevailing around the time Shivaji was born -- and not, it must be mentioned, on account of any estrangement between husband and wife. (Laine is in grave error when he attempts to rewrite one of the most significant chapters in Indian history, essaying an inappropriate imposition of a contemporary Western paradigm upon the medieval Indian scenario). 
       Shahaji, who was practically ruling the Nizamshahi as Regent on behalf of the minor Murtaza Nizamshah, was actively engaged in fending off threats from both Shah Jehan and Adilshah, being constantly on the run as a direct result. He was accompanied by his first son, Sambhaji, who was killed at a young age in the Battle of Kanakgiri. After the dissolution of the Nizamshahi in 1636, Shahaji’s subsequent service in the Adilshahi took him to Bangalore, but he continued holding and administering his old land titles in the Pune region through his trusted Brahmin aide, Dadoji Konddev. Obviously, Shahaji was unable to cover all the distance to Pune on a regular basis in those uncertain times and the additional responsibility of bringing up the young Shivaji devolved upon Dadoji. Shahaji took another wife in Bangalore, as was customary in those days. From this second marriage, he sired Vyankoji, the founder of the Thanjavur Bhosale dynasty, distinguished by its patronage of both Tamil and Marathi culture and arts. Shahajiraje thus bequeathed to India two distinct dynasties of visionary rulers. All these facts are well documented and should suffice to prevent irresponsible speculation on account of his absence from the Pune region. 
       On page 91, Laine asks with an unnecessary soupçon of dramatization,
Can one imagine a narrative of Shivaji’s life in which, for example: Shivaji had an unhappy family life ? Shivaji had a harem ? Shivaji was uninterested in the religion of bhakti saints ? Shivaji’s personal ambition was to build a kingdom, not liberate a nation ? Shivaji lived in a cosmopolitan Islamicate world and did little to change that fact ?
       Had Laine really read and gleaned anything from the references listed at the end of the book, such perturbing questions would not have arisen. For instance, it was practically de rigeur for men of status in Shivaji’s time to have more than one wife. To go even further back in history, let us recall that Lord Rama’s father too had several queens. The custom had nothing whatsoever to do with practices prevailing in a "cosmopolitan Islamicate world". However, isn’t having several legally wedded wives very different from keeping a harem, which latter may even include several official and unofficial concubines ? Surely, Laine appreciates the essential difference ! 
       Also, as revealed by numerous treasured documents of the era, including correspondence between Ramdas and Shivaji, the latter was spiritually surrendered to the former, of which fact Laine feigns such complete ignorance ! With adequate answers to each one of Laine's questions easily obtainable in his references, is his pretence indicative of a deeper, sinister motive to compromise, restrain and perhaps even destroy the extraordinary reverence in which Shivaji is held ? 
       For a presumably accomplished scholar (LINK), who has spent several decades in close contact with Maharashtra, it is amazing -- even distressing -- that Laine has understood almost nothing about the veneration Shivaji commands in ‘native’ consciousness. In that sense, his scholarship may well have been wasted ! For him to say now that he had "foolishly misread the situation in India and figured the book would receive scholarly criticism, not censorship and condemnation" is appalling, at the very least. You can hardly foolishly misread a situation that has existed for nearly four centuries, the study of which is the declared intention of your scholarship, not to mention the "love of the Shivaji story" you avowedly evince ! 
       A similar exercise, as confessed by Laine in the case of a Jesus Christ or a Thomas Jefferson (LINK), is entirely incapable of provoking as vehement a reaction because these exalted personages do not command the kind of supreme reverence in their specific locales that Shivaji does in his. 
       No doubt Laine is aware how Christ’s popularity in the West has been steadily on the decline, what with Church attendances falling alarmingly, and the paucity of preachers needing imports from ‘third world’ countries to supplant the dwindling numbers of octogenarian White clergymen ! This observation is further supported by demographic statistics indicating the exponential growth of the followers of alternative philosophies, which cannot be attributed to new immigrants alone. 
       As for Jefferson, in an exercise very reminiscent of the present one, his greatness as a rationalist, especially his radically piercing views on Christianity and its Church, (for example: "The Christian God is a being of terrific character -- cruel, vindictive, capricious, and unjust."), was sought by disadvantaged parties to be compromised by the exposition of some tenuous incident in the statesman’s life. But it is necessary to ascertain whether such detractors, who authored the "widely varying accounts" about Jefferson and Christ that Laine claims to have "seen", could be considered persons of established scholarly reputation. Since serious scholars would hardly ever countenance rumour or gossip as evidence, it was more than likely that such criticism was penned by critics who had no compunctions about relying on tittle-tattle to score a point. 
       Because Laine has indirectly questioned Shivaji’s paternity without a shred of documentary evidence, he sadly gets categorized in the latter class and his claim to a "love for the Shivaji story" falls to pieces ! Incidentally, there are certain to be "other ways of reading the historical evidence", but only if historical evidence, and not malicious fabrication, is offered in the first place. 
       Laine ought to have grasped the reality that there just can be no comparison between Shivaji and the likes of Christ and Jefferson from the Indian, especially Maharashtrian, point of view ! The learned author, in spite of his protracted contact with the region since 1977, failed to realise that the "Shivaji story", as narrated in every Maharashtrian home, has far more significance and enjoys immensely greater credibility than all history taught in academia. And, by his own admission, was it not the development of this "Shivaji story" that he had set out to study ? Moreover, the growth in recent years of a strong and eminently justifiable public perception that a vast majority of academics have been indulging in wanton politicization of scholarship at the expense of truth bolsters this awareness. 
       Furthermore, Shivaji is not merely a "Maharashtrian" hero, as Laine not so subtly avers in his facetious apology. Shivaji was the first Indian leader in relatively recent history to contemplate political self-determination and successfully put it into practice at a time when all others were blissfully unaware of both the existence and possibility of such a thing ! This visionary quality elevates Shivaji to a pioneering ‘national’ stature, head and shoulders above all his peers and contemporaries. His exploits had obviously become the stuff of legends in the course of his lifetime. Bhooshan, hailing from the environs of the Mughal capital wrote epic poetry about him, while Chhatrasal who traveled from Bundelkhand to seek employment with him was bade to return to his territories and there establish his own independence. The slant in Laine’s apology to localize and thus limit Shivaji’s influence is not as innocuous as it appears, and is not likely to be overlooked by discerning readers ! 
       Indeed, since it takes the ‘authority’ of a White man to convince us of the greatness of things indigenous, it would be pertinent to quote historian Bamber Gascoigne:
"He (Shivaji) taught the modern Hindus to rise to the full stature of their growth. So, when viewed with hindsight through twentieth century glasses, Aurangzeb on the one side and Shivaji on the other come to be seen as key figures in the development of India. What Shivaji began Gandhi could complete …… and what Aurangzeb stood for would lead to the establishment of the separate state of Pakistan." (The Great Moghuls, London: Constable), (emphasis ours).
       It is sad to see how all the years Laine spent in India were so utterly in vain, if he has failed to note and appreciate this, the most distinguishing and vital aspect of the "Shivaji story" ! 
       There seems to be more to the book than mere scholarship. One is reminded of what Thomas Paine wrote, in a slightly different context perhaps, in the opening lines of his The Rights of Man about Edmund Burke’s unwarranted interest in French affairs. It amply illustrates a tendency to dabble that Laine evidently shares with Burke:
"Among the incivilities by which nations or individuals provoke and irritate each other, Mr. Burke’s pamphlet on the French Revolution is an extraordinary instance. Neither the people of France, nor the National Assembly, were troubling themselves about the affairs of England, or the English Parliament; and why Mr. Burke should commence an unprovoked attack upon them, both in Parliament and in public, is a conduct that cannot be pardoned on the score of manners, nor justified on that of policy." (London: J.M.Dent, 1993, p. 7).
       With suitable substitutions, the sentiments expressed by Paine could apply rather well to Laine’s avoidable blundering foray into Indian culture and history. If, "as an American and a Christian", Laine had, for instance, devoted more time to finding out why enthusiasm for Christ is petering out so rapidly in his home country, he might have been spared the pain of living through "the saddest day" in his career ! But, prudent apprehension of censorship by the Moral Majority and cessation of grants by funding bodies might perhaps have served as an important deterrent in the case of similar misadventures closer home ! 
       It is the "Shivaji story" that transcends every conceivable faction of Maharashtrian society and has always served as an efficacious uniting factor, the demolition of which can be perceived to serve powerful interests in present times. India in general and its Maharashtrian Hindu population in particular have traditionally been ultra-soft targets for a sundry assortment of deluded Indophiles anyway, and the once-correct belief that one can get away with almost murder has motivated several similar ‘research’ exercises in the past. 
       Constituents of the more impulsive but perhaps less sophisticated majority in Maharashtra are more likely than not to smell in Laine’s dissertation the same intellectual chicanery attempted through the purchase by British colonial masters (for a princely sum of £ 3000, paid in easy installments, may it be noted !) of Friedrich Max Muller’s erudition a century ago with the studied intention of demoralizing a whole nation by denigration of its antiquity, pre-eminence, culture, religion and history. It might be perceived by the populace that one of its greatest cultural heroes is being put under an iniquitous microscope with precisely that same objective. Such heinous strategies may have worked beautifully under colonial rule, but are less than likely to work now -- a reality Laine appears to have dangerously overlooked. A significantly large proportion of the Indian polity has begun ‘thinking independently’, albeit to the detriment of brokers of international geopolitical stakes. In this sense, the book might well qualify as yet another attempt at fragmentation of the steadily developing strength of a society that is waking up to a realization of the many historical frauds perpetrated on itself for centuries. 
       If, unfortunately, promoting social discord was indeed a purpose of the book, the attempt may have partially succeeded with what happened at the Bhandarkar Institute; the first salvo has been fired by pitting Maratha (whom Laine gratuitously refers to as being from Shivaji’s own community) against Brahmin. Unless we desire lumpen elements to take undue advantage of the fallout of the regrettable BORI incident, concerted and well informed public opinion needs to be nurtured to arrest and neutralize machinations of a wildly proliferating class of pliable political paid pipers and their cohorts in an amenable media ! Because Laine has blatantly used, in the matter of Shivaji’s parentage at least, sources that cannot pass the test of reliability even by a long shot, it is necessary for scholars to scrutinize the entire work for its truthfulness, especially the development of communalised identities upon which he dwells at great length. All frivolous ‘scholarship’ needs to be unequivocally discredited and disowned by intellectuals in the interests of veracity and probity in academia. 
       While undeniably condemning the attack on the Bhandarkar Institute archives with the plea that the guilty should not go unpunished, should we not also examine the role of the so-called 'thinkers' who might perhaps unwittingly have assisted if not actually set up Laine's mischief in the first place ? Laine mentions in his Acknowledgments (p. viii) that his "scholarly home has been the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune" where he "profited from advice and assistance". Once the BORI administration realised the explosive nature of the book's contents, and how they were sitting on a time bomb for all these months, it might have been appropriate for them to issue a strong public denial and condemnation of the author, in no uncertain terms, for his highly objectionable effort to convert innuendo and gossip into a matter of documentary record. 
       It is up to Laine to inform his readers as to how and where he dug up this disgusting rumour casting aspersions upon the character of Shivaji’s mother, herself a figure of great veneration to all. She was a single mother of great character and substance, the very fountainhead of inspiration for Shivaji’s life’s work. 
       Needless to state, all this only applies if the real intention behind the book was more than what Laine declares. But from even its very title, the book comes through more like an exercise in skullduggery, which is unfortunate ! 
       If scholarly research funded through institutional grants is undertaken with the altruistic aim of benefiting humanity, one wonders how the present book can achieve that end! Scholars ought not to forget that all institutions supporting them are rooted in their particular indigenous ethos to which they must be accountable, especially when the results are sought to be commercially exploited through book sales. 
       The body fabric of a resurgent India, and particularly that of a progressive state like Maharashtra, can well do without such vicious ‘scholarship’. We hope saner counsel will prevail in the currently disturbed scenario, as a fitting tribute to its chief architect, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. 

- Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan & Amodini Bagwe

Maharashtra govt bans James W. Laine's biography on Shivaji

Maharashtra govt bans James W. Laine's biography on Shivaji

Culture police vandalism and politics force the Maharashtra Government to ban the biography of the Maratha warrior king.
ADVERTISEMENT


SHEELA RAVAL
February 2, 2004
ISSUE DATE: February 2, 2004UPDATED: December 15, 2011 15:04 IST
Mob fury: Bhandarkar Institute in Pune was a soft target
James W. Laine wanted to redeem history from legends. What the professor of religious studies at Macalester College in Minnesota did not realize was that some Indians find legends more comforting than history.

Laine's slim volume, Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India, published by Oxford University Press, is the latest victim of the culture police. Following the rage of the self-styled keepers of the Maratha heritage against Laine's blasphemy, the Government of Maharashtra has now banned the book.

What about the lost manuscripts, though? On January 5, an angry mob calling itself the Sambhaji Brigade of the Maratha Mahasangh stormed the 87-year-old Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI), Pune, and destroyed priceless manuscripts and artifacts.

They targeted the institute, one of the finest archival centres of the country, because it was acknowledged in the book as Laine's "scholarly home" in India during the time of his research. The loss was a piece of India's own heritage.

A rattled Laine,who considers Pune his second home, even made an appeal that he alone, and not those who assisted him in his research, should be held responsible for the book. The Sambhaji Brigade, saying the ban is more political than official, is threatening to take the book-burning protest beyond Pune.

What's Laine's blasphemy? By "reviewing" the narrative evolution of the legend of Chhatrapati Shivaji, the 17th century Maratha hero who defied the Mughal Empire to found an independent kingdom, he hopes to rescue the biography of "this great man"from"the grasp of those who see India as a Hindu nation at war with its Muslim neighbors".

Today Laine's work is struggling to rescue itself from the grasp of Maratha pride because it raises some "personal" questions about the warrior king. Questions like: Did he have an unhappy family life?
Did he have a harem? Was he more interested in building a kingdom than liberating a nation? Was he least interested in the religion of Bhakti saints? Laine calls them "cracks" in the Shivaji narrative. 

Writing in LA Times on January 12, Laine, "always drawn to stories of heroes", defends his scholarly freedom to entertain what he calls "unthinkable thoughts". As he says in the article, "The owners of Shivaji's story had their own set of questions, delivered with a punch: who should be allowed to portray this history?

Should an outsider working with Brahmin English-speaking elites have a greater say in Shivaji's story than Shivaji's own community?" Defenders of the Maratha pride see an intellectual conspiracy in the cracks.

Outraged by a reference in the book to Shivaji's "absentee father", Purushottam Khedekar, founder member and president of the Maratha Mahasangh, says, "We strongly condemn the Brahminic attitude and the heinous propaganda against Shivaji Maharaj."

And politically too, Laine is not getting any support.Sharad Pawar, the veteran Maratha leader, has already warned that scholarship should not clash with public sentiments and faith. Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee, as usual, was an exception. He condemned the violence and upheld the importance of disagreement and debate in a democracy. 

Chief Minister S.K. Shinde, under pressure from the Maratha lobby in the NCP and his own party, the Congress, is hesitant about taking action against the violent protesters.

In the time of elections, few political leaders can afford to be on the wrong side of Maratha pride, and fewer can afford to take the side of free expression.

Shivaji: Beyond the Legend Amardeep Singh

THURSDAY, JUNE 12, 2008
Shivaji: Beyond the Legend
Amardeep Singh

The following post was inspired by the news last week that the government of Maharasthra is planning to build a huge statue of Shivaji off the coast of Bombay (that's right, I said Bombay), on the scale of the American statue of liberty. The statue will be built off-shore, on an artificial island constructed especially for the purpose. 

I'm not actually opposed to the idea of the statue -- as far as I'm concerned, it's all part of the great, entertaining tamasha of modern Bombay -- though obviously I think there could be some other figures from Indian culture and history who might also be worth considering (how about a 300 foot bust of a glowering Amitabh Bachchan, for instance?). But reading the news did make me curious to know some things about the historical Shivaji that go beyond the hagiographical myths and legends one sees on Wikipedia, so I went to the library and looked at a book I had been meaning to look at for a couple of years, James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India (Oxford, 2003).

+ * + 

In 2004, James Laine became a target of the Hindu right after the publication of his book, Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India, but as is often the case the people burning down libraries, and destroying priceless works of India's cultural heritage, clearly did not read the book. If one actually reads Laine's work, one finds that Laine is quite careful not to frontally challenge the myth of Chatrapati Shivaji, the 17th century Maratha warrior. Indeed, there is much there that actually supports the pride that many Maharasthrians feel about Shivaji. 

The conclusions Laine comes to after surveying the evidence on Shivaji were surprising to me. Though I obviously came to the book looking for objectivity as an antidote to the bloated mythology loudly propagated by the Shiv Sena, I presumed that "objectivity" and "secularism" would be more or less synonymous. The reality may be somewhat more complex in Shivaji’s case. Though he’s clearly not quite what his partisans believe he was, Shivaji’s story remains inspiring and heroic even after some scholarly scrutiny. And though he was more secular than many Hindu chauvinists will admit, Shivaji certainly did pointedly assert his identity as a Hindu and promote symbolic elements of Hindu religion and culture against the increasingly intolerant imposition of Islam during the Mughal empire under Aurangzeb and the final years of the Bijapur Sultanate (see Adil Shah). 

Here is how Laine describes his project near the beginning of the book: 

The task I have set myself is not that of providing a more accurate account of Shivaji’s life by stripping away the legends attributed to him by worshipful myth makers or misguided ideologues, but rather to be a disturber of the tranquility with which synthetic accounts of Shivaji’s life are accepted, mindful that the recording and retaining of any memory of Shivaji is interested knowledge. . . . In the modern popular imagination, many of [the different strands of the Shivaji story] are woven together and reproduced in both bland textbooks and dramatic popular accounts as though the simple facts can be taken for granted. In other words, the dominance of a certain grand narrative of Shivaji’s life is so powerful that the particular concerns of its many authors have been largely erased. (8)


The scholarly debunker is sometimes a powerful ally in ascertaining the often complex and nuanced truth behind historical legends, but in this book Laine doesn’t see confrontational debunking as his primary task. Rather, he wants to get back to the fundamentals of the Shivaji story (i.e., what can be objectively known based on primary historical sources), before following the path of the revisionist, nationalist, patriotic remaking of that story through the 19th and 20th centuries. 

Laine starts by looking directly at the 17th century sources (in Sanskrit and Marathi) written by those who were close to Shivaji himself. 

The primary texts he works with were written in Marathi and Sanskrit, both of which are languages in which Laine is proficient. Afzal Khan Vadh (“The Killing of Afzal Khan”) is a series of Marathi heroic ballads, authored by a poet alternately known as Agrindas or Ajnandas in 1659 (while Shivaji was still alive). Two other primary sources cited by Laine are written in Sanskrit, by Brahmin authors who were commissioned directly by Shivaji himself: the Sivabharata (or Shivabharata), an epic poem written by Kavindra Paramananda in 1674 (at the time of Shivaji’s coronation as "Chatrapati" – Lord of the Umbrella/Umbralla-Lord), and the Srisivaprabhuce, a historical chronicle written by Krishnaji Anant Sabhasad, in 1697. 

The first surprise is that there’s little reason to doubt the best-known aspects of the Shivaji legend: the three works are surprisingly consistent with one another, especially regarding Shivaji’s childhood and upbringing, his emergence as a warrior with the killing of Afzal Khan, the punishment of Shaista Khan, the escape from Aurangzeb’s court at Agra, and the conquest of Simhagad in 1670. The most significant “humanizing” point Laine makes (and this is also one of the major sources of controversy) is his suggestion, late in his book, that Shivaji’s parents seem to have been estranged from one another –- Shivaji was brought up by his mother in one principality, while his father was a soldier for another, rival kingdom, who left before Shivaji was born. (Later hagiography would smooth over this aspect of the history, suggesting that Shivaji’s father sent him and his mother to Pune as part of a great plan.) The point of raising this is not to "take Shivaji down a notch" or find shame or scandal in the story. Rather, from my point of view at least, humanizing Shivaji in this way gives us a certain (modern) psychological explanation for why Shivaji was so driven as an adult: he had something to prove. 

The second surprise for me is Laine’s acknowledgment that all the evidence supports the idea that Shivaji was assertive about Hindu religion and culture. It’s still wrong to use him symbolically as some kind of nationalist Hindu "freedom-fighter," who devoted his life to killing mleccha invaders (for Laine, it’s more correct to say that Shivaji was a kingdom-builder). But it’s also not accurate to say that religion is somehow completely irrelevant to his story. This comes out first with reference to Shivaji’s coronation in 1674:

One important moment for the construction of an official biography was surely the grand event of Shivaji’s coronation. For the last decade of his life, he was relatively free of Mughal pressure, and in 1674, was enthroned chatrapati of an independent Hindu kingdom in an orthodox lustration ceremony (abhisheka). The ceremony, which had fallen out of use in Islamicate India, was seen as a revival of royal Hindu traditions. In other words, there is clear evidence that at the end of his career Shivaji began to think in new ways about his exercise of military and political power, ways that drew upon ancient symbols of Hindu kingship. He called upon a prominent pundit from Benares, Gaga Bhatta, to establish his genealogy and claim of true kshatriya status before investing him with the sacred thread, performing an orthodox wedding, and then a royal lustration ceremony of enthronement. At this time, Shivaji lavished great wealth on all the Brahmins who were gathered to confer legitimacy, and he employed two poets to write laudatory epic poems about him. On was Paramananda, whom we have mentioned as the author of the Sanskrit Sivabharata, a text that is clearly composed for the coronation though never finished . . . The second was Kavi Bhusan, who wrote the Sivarajabhusan in the Braj dialect of Hindi. (30)


And Laine expands upon the implications of his interpretation of the coronation a few pages later: 

Shivaji himself, growing up in Pune, at that time a remote and insignifican town far away from the Bijapuri court, was unlike his father and grandfather in being not only less content to be in vassalage to a Muslim sultan but also concerned to extend the scope of Hindu culture. Moreover, he dealt with sultans who adopted a more rigorous religious policy than their predecessors. I would argue that his elaborate Sanskritic coronation, his choice of Sanskrit rather than Persian titles for his ministers, and his patronage of Brahmin pundits . . . are all signs that he wished to extend the boundaries in which his religion reigned, not so much geographically as socially and politically. These may have been gestures of legitimation, but he could very well have chosen better-known Persianate ways of achieving the same end.


In other words, Shivaji was raised at some distance from what Laine is describing as the "Islamicate" culture dominant in north and central India in the 17th century. He also clearly went out of his way to assert Hindu/Sanskritic symbols during his rule, when that was not the norm, even for other Hindu kings of the time. 

Laine continues:

This is to say that Shivaji was not only discontended with the idea of being Islamic, he was discontented with even being Islamicate, that is, he read his religion not as a strict constructionist or in purely theological or essentialist ways, but saw religion as broadly diffuse throughout culture. We might say that he saw ‘religion’ as dharma. Thus, although Richard Eaton has emphasized the new Islamic rigorism in the Adil Shahi regime after 1656, a rigorism that parallels the later policies of Aurangzeb (Eaton 1978), I would say that Shivaji was similarly disposed to see Hindu and Muslim subcultures —- not just theologies -- as distinct. There would be constraints on Shivaji’s religious agenda, as there were for Aurangzeb of course, and there were ways in which Shivaji was not wholly consistent in his Hindu policy. For example, he wore Persian royal dress and used words such as faqir and salaam quite unself-consciously, as well s being qt times quite willing to accept vassalage to the Adil Shah or Mughal emperor. But I would have to disagree with Stewart Gordon, who has written: ‘Shivaji was not attempting to construct a universal Hindu rule. Over and over, he espoused tolerance and syncretism. He even called on Aurangzeb to act like Akbar in according respect to Hindu believes and places. Shivaji had no difficulty in allying with Muslim states which surrounded him… even against Hindu powers" (Gordon 1993). I do not think I am disputing the evidence Gordon adduces, but my interpretation depends on how one uses the word ‘Hindu.’ (39)


This is a more complicated set of academic arguments, relating to how one interprets the idea of "religion" in an earlier historic moment, outside of Abrahamic norms. Putting it quite simply: to see Hindu religion as "diffuse throughout culture" doesn’t necessarily weaken it; rather, it was one of the ways Shivaji could find a new way of asserting it against the dominant powers of the time. 

Secondly, Laine is arguing that though it’s wrong to read Shivaji as a kind of proto-communalist, it’s also a mistake to see him as someone who primarily espoused "tolerance and syncretism." He was actually somewhere in between.
Labels: Hinduism, History, India, Secularism

POSTED BY AMARDEEP AT 1:02 PM  

5 COMMENTS:
 Blogger Charu said...
Hello Amardeep

Your post is well-written, but much as I am disposed to liking it, I cannot help thinking that Chhatrapati Shivaji deserves a more careful study than a referal to Laine's work alone.

On the factual counts I have not much explanation to offer, as they are out there in the open; but there certainly might be revelations in store for you in form of smaller details, incidents and their resulting interpretations, which may cause you to reconsider your deductions, or your judgment of Laine's work. 

his elaborate Sanskritic coronation, his choice of Sanskrit rather than Persian titles for his ministers, and his patronage of Brahmin pundits . . . are all signs that he wished to extend the boundaries in which his religion reigned, not so much geographically as socially and politically.

I would like to assert here that in the 17th century, religion and polity were not just interlinked, but also identical (though not linked like the Vatican was to the Christian kingdoms). There were no secular kingdoms, to the extent that religion was not just political identity itself, but political and military agenda too! In such a situation, establishing an independent political identity demanded the adoption of the idea of a 'Hindu' kingdom. It had far less to do with the 'reign of a religion', and had everything to do with social and political aims. Coming to think of it, Shivaji's kingdom set an unusual precedent in having an official policy of tolerance, set down with an iron hand by the ruler himself. 

The coronation according to Vedic rituals had again, a political aim. After centuries of having no rightful sovereign, having his kshatriya lineage proved and having himself coronated according to Vedic rituals was an effort to establish his sovereignty and the right of accession of his descendants. Hence, that he went out of his way to assert Hindu/Sanskritic symbols during his rule, when that was not the norm, even for other Hindu kings of the time, was more because most other Hindu Kingdoms (most notably the Rajputs) had no identity independent of the Islamic/Mughal rule.

I find certain claims by Laine to be ridiculous. For instance, he writes "there were ways in which Shivaji was not wholly consistent in his Hindu policy...wore Persian royal dress and used words such as faqir and salaam quite unself-consciously". Here, he fails to understand that there was no 'Hindu policy' to speak of, and that the usage of Persian (or Hindustani) words in Marathi was only an influence of a dominant language of the time (as English is to most other languages now), and that.

I believe that the 'existence of Hindu and Muslim subcultures' as you call it, is a modern phenomenon, invented after we came to think of religions as opposing ideologies withing the same social framework, as opposed to different and distinct cultures in conflict in Shivaji's time. I think an understanding this demarcation in the right light was essential for Shivaji to carve out a 'Hindu' kingdom with a separate identity from the 'Islamic rule', and yet pursue a tolerant policy towards a sizable population of muslim subjects. It is difficult to explain, and I am not sure I have explained this point very well, but I think I have made a point.

4:42 AM  
 Blogger Dr. Manoshi Bhattacharya said...
This post has been removed by the author.

5:57 AM  
 Blogger Chinmay 'भारद्वाज' said...
Let’s start the comment with getting certain facts correct. 
James Lain’s book indeed is pro-Shivaji contrary to what the attackers of Bhandarkar Institute asserted. But these attackers weren’t Hindu Right as you have asserted in your post. 
The so called Hindu Right (I don't know how you define that but I assume you go by definition of Indian Media or moronic Rajdeep Sardesai bull crap) didn't attack James Laine book. The attacks were highly political and done by obscure organization called Sambhaji Brigade. No one knows what happened to that organization after they attacked Bhandarkar Institute. The organization was supported by Sharad Pawar and Co. Who I believe is definitely not Hindu Right. 

Now coming back to your blog - it's wrong to write about such a great figure simply by reading one book. 
The point Laine made about estrangement between Shahaji and Jijabai (Shivaji’s parents) ain’t new. The point had been made early too. All though, it’s for sure that Shahaji sent Shivaji to Deccan with a great plan. Shahaji Bhosale was banned from entering in Deccan by both Mughals and Adil Shahi (he was employed by later Sultanate). Just before Shivaji’s birth Shahaji worked incessantly to establish his own empire by propping then defunct and dying Nizamshahi. He was unsuccessful and was banished from Deccan. 

As I said earlier in my comment that the attacks on Bhandarkar institute and controversy surrounding Lain’s book was highly political. It’s absolutely wrong to brand anything and anyone you see as Hindu Right. 

And Yes, Shivaji was a nationalistic Hindu freedom fighter. There is not counter argument to that. As much as you would like to apply your wacko-weird pinko-secularist logic to it, the fact that Shivaji fought for Hinduism and for Bharat-bhoomi is unequivocally stands corrected. 

I would suggest you to read books by Jadunath Sarkar. He wrote in English. The books "Shivaji and his times" & "The House of Shivaji" would give you better picture. It's sad that current generation of Indians see Shivaji Maharaj only as Maratha warrior. He wasn't. He had balls to fight against Mughal tyrants who were outsiders and hell bent on destroying Hindu religion and culture, and he did that successfully.

9:58 AM  
 Blogger Tiger said...
Hi Amardeep,

Is there anything you dont write about. Well crafted blog. Am impressed and will return. Good luck.

1:24 PM  
 Blogger shreya said...
I'm a student of History and I started reading this article for some extra opinion on Shivaji's polity. Having read Stewart Gordon too, I would say that both Laine and Gordon appreciate the fact that Shivaji was certainly a pathbreaker in respect to his adoption of Sanskritic and Rajput rituals for the coronation. It was not just unheard of in Islamic India, but also in early-medieval and predominantly Hindu era. That might be because Gagabhat dug up rituals from the texts to particularly suit Shivaji's case. As to his creation of a special genealogy for Shivaji's family originating to some Rajput clans who had moved to Maharashtra, this was a basically popular means of legitimation. Most early medieval kings got genealogies prepared to certain family deities in order to get legitimacy in the eyes of the public. So I would personally admit that Shivaji certainly had some political precedents.What he added to this was a military genius and a lot of courage, and that is what clasiifies him as a hero, not the idea that he was a "Hindu" hero. You don't need to be a Hindu or a Muslim or for that matter a Christian to be called a hero...

What does scare me though, as a historian, is the fact that scholars are criticised without even honouring them with one reading of their books! Give us a chance please to speak...we live in a democracy after all!

Shreya Goswami

11:58 PM  
POST A COMMENT

<< Home


Amardeep Singh, Associate Professor of English at Lehigh University
Courses Taught at Lehigh
Atom XML Feed
Email me
Official Bio
Selected Publications
I also blog at Sepia Mutiny
and The Valve
.
 Google

  
 WWW  Lehigh (includes this site)
Recent Posts
Rushdie @ Google
Review: Preeta Samarasan's "Evening is the Whole D...
Fareed Zakaria's Latest: "The Post-American World"...
"The Age of Shiva" -- a Review
Notes From a Punjabi Literature Conference in Vanc...
Spring -- a photo
"Satyagraha," by Phillip Glass
William Deresiewicz in "The Nation," and a Blogger...
A Book with "@" in the Title
Suriname's Linguistic Khichri
Selected Posts
Literature, Language, Criticism
The Good Soldier -- A Bad Novel
Ishmael Beah
Rushdie Gets Knighted
"The Indian Clerk"
Pandita Ramabai's book on America
Dean Mahomet
Joyce Carol Oates's "Landfill"
Ismat Chughtai
Vikram Seth's "Two Lives"
Khushwant Singh's Journalism
Colm Toibin's "The Master"
A Poem About Bombay: Adil Jussawalla
Raja Rao and Czeslaw Milosz
Saadat Hasan Manto's "Letters to Uncle Sam
Ajeet Cour: A Punjabi Writer
Ramo Samee, Thackeray, Hazlitt
SAWCC Conference Notes
Sultana's Dream, Feminist Utopias
Early Bengali Science Fiction
Samrat Upadhyay
China Miéville's The Scar (Valve)
Theorizing Blogging, Theorizing Theory (Valve)
R.K. Narayan, Malgudi Days
Ian McEwan's Atonement
William Dalrymple's City of Djinns
Zadie Smith's On Beauty
Jews from India: Burnt Bread and Chutney
Norman Corwin: Poet Journalist
Sarah Macdonald's Holy Cow
Octavia Butler
Syed Akbar Hyder's Come Back To Afghanistan
Auden and China
Auden and Bruegel vs. Icarus
Katherine Mayo's Mother India
India-Oriented Works at Gutenberg
Science and Poetry II
Science and Poetry I
Texture Words
Nirad Chaudhuri
Yusef Komunyakaa in India
Wallace Stevens
Amrita Pritam
Nirmal Verma
Teaching: Travel Writers
Rumpelstiltskin and Narrative Theory
In Praise of Balderdash (and other words for nonsense)
Notes: Conference on South Asia
Abraham Verghese
Vikas Swarup, Q&A
All About H. Hatterr
Robert Frost, "The Flood"
Irish English?
Indian English: Hobson-Jobson
'Indian English': Does it Exist?
Philip Roth's The Plot Against America
Azar Nafisi as a Literary Critic
Versions of the Ramayana
Toy/Story Theory
The Kite Runner
Pakistani Writers
Tagore in America(Sepia Mutiny)
Challenges to Postcolonial Theory (Valve)
Homage to London
John Berryman
Orhan Pamuk's Snow (Valve)
Asne Seierstad
Hemingway's Gossip
Composition Without Rhetoric: John Guillory
Iris Murdoch (Valve)
Githa Hariharan and A.S. Byatt
Suketu Mehta and Samina Ali
Terry Eagleton, After Theory
The "Post-National" Writer
Lionel Trilling
Kurban Said
Katherine Mansfield
Manju Kapur
Vandana Singh
Behzti 2
Behzti
Intertextuality
A Lecture on Literature
Suketu Mehta's Maximum City
Byatt's The Game
Intro to Said
John Hollander
Karen Armstrong, The Spiral Staircase
Hari Kunzru, Transmission
Amitav Ghosh, The Hungry Tide
James Wood's Book Against God 
Said, W.B. Yeats, Dylan Thomas
Vijay Seshadri
Orwell III: The Road to Wigan Pier
Bauman's Liquid Modernity
Berube's English
Postcolonial FAQ
Satan and Shaitan
V.S. Naipaul Controversy
Agha Shahid Ali, Ghazals in English
Borges and India
Edmund Wilson
Politics, History, Academia
"India After Gandhi": Chapter 5 (Displaced Women
"India After Gandhi": Chapter 4 (Kashmir)
"India After Gandhi": Chapter 3 (Hyderabad)
"India After Gandhi": Chapter 2
Dear President ...
H-1B Workers Begin to Find a Voice
U.S. India Nuclear Deal
BBC Documentary: Coolies
Misadventures in Government: Delhi and Nandigram
Daud Sharifa and the Women's Mosque
Section 377/Homosexuality in India
Secular Constitutions: U.S. and India
Niall Ferguson/Facts About Empire
Dalrymple on 1857
'Temple Cleansing' in Malaysia
Indian Evidence Act
California School Textbook Controversy
Are Male Feminists Necessary?
Race and Hurricane Katrina: Two Questions
Hanif Kureishi and British Multiculturalism
Learning Hindi
Bush meets Manmohan 2
Stanley Fish and SCOTUS
Jo Bole So Nihal Controversy
Isaac Newton and Intelligent Design
Ambedkar
Intro to Said
Karen Armstrong
Susan Jacoby II
Susan Jacoby I
Background on Communalism
Triple Talaq
Orwell: The Road to Wigan Pier
Turbans and Hijabs
Pankaj Mishra
Abdul Kalam
Debating Kashmir
Manmohan Singh
Nanda and Chatterjee on elections
Urvashi Butalia
Hinduism Studies Part II
Hinduism and Wendy Doniger controversy
Music, Film, Etc.
Basement Bhangra (CD)
Vanaja
King of Bollywood: Shah Rukh Khan
Dub Qawwali (CD)
Falu (CD)
Matrubhoomi
Russel Peters' Deaf Jokes
The Illusionist vs. The Prestige
"Don"
Indian Ocean
Omkara and Othello
XPN is your friend
Ali Farka Touré
15 Park Avenue
More Recent Indie Films
Souad Massi
Myrna Loy Goes To India
Shirly Horn
Bobby Darin
Gunner Palace
Bobby Darin
Broken Flowers: Fun with the Reviewers
Bollywood Delusions
8 Things About Bollywood
The Ideology of Sarkar
Parineeta
Vijay Iyer in Boston Globe
In Defense of Coldplay
Kiran Ahluwalia
Ashes & Snow
Jo Bole So Nihal Controversy
Indo-Musicology
Aparna Sen's Yugant
Born into Brothels
Secularism in Bollywood
Kisna
Raincoat
Swades
More DJ Notes
Shoutcast;Streamripper
India's National Anthem(s)
State of Bengal v. Paban Das Baul
Vishal Vaid, Karsh Kale
DJ Notes
Before Sunset
Maqbool
Vijay Iyer
Yuva
Murder and Kandukondein
Fugazi's Resonance
Professor/DJ
Brazilian Dance Music
Kaante (2003)
Peck on the Cheek (2003)
Spirited Away (2002)
Cornershop (2002)
Bombay The Hard Way (1999)
Personal and Creative (Fiction, Poetry)
A Year Old
The Chaat of Destiny
Diwali in Philly
Dear Puran
Any Day Now
If You're Reading This
The Sadhu and the Shor Birds
Conshohocken
Cloudburst
The Night Lights
Amrik Badnaam Goes To The Library
Two Movers/Savvy Sadhu
My Grandfather
After The World
Autumn Civilizes Us
Tennis at Twilight
Paris Notes
On Snow
New apartment
The Student and the Priest
Links
The Valve
A & L Daily
Sepia Mutiny
Maitzen Reads
Ultrabrown
Tamasha
Siddhartha Mitter
Drishtipat
Bollywood Fugly
SAJAForum
Kenyandesi
Feministing
Indian Writing
RaceWire
Greatbong
Curry Lingus
Nirali Magazine
Shodan Scribbles
Musical
Mad Brown Woman
Pass the Roti
Tales from the City of Ravens
Textual Life
3 Quarks Daily
The Long Eighteenth
Open Heart Farm
Raza Rumi
Making Light
Sharanya Manivannan
Ambainny
Jabberwock
Global Voices Online
The Other India
Amitava Kumar
Shashwati
India Uncut
Uberdesi
Naeem Mohaiemem
Accidental Blogger
The Home and the World
The Reading Experience
Chapati Mystery
Timothy Burke
Kitabkhana
Keywords
Connaissances
Sonia Faleiro
Desipundit
GNXP
Reassigned Time
Pharyngula
Los Anjalis
Desi Knitter
Scribbler's Delight
Moments of Tranquility
Makeweight
Errant King
Abstruser Musings
Filmiholic
Quod She
Kamla Bhatt
Sikh bloggers
Naach Gaana
I Hate the New Yorker
Southwest of the Border
Shivam Vij: Mall Road
Jonathan Goodwin
Etcetera
Arzan Wadia
Girish
Japnaam Singh
Chappan
Terry Teachout
Saheli
Nina Paley
Infinite Diablogue
Tilotamma
Kush Tandon
Brimful
Maitri
BitchPhD
Reassigned Time
Culture Cat
Out of the Woods Now
HERstory
Marginal Revolution
Butterflies & Wheels
Busy Idler
Savage Minds
Black Net Art
Language Log
Progressive Teachers
Tim Williams
Sunil Laxman
Scott McLemee
Pseudopodium
Early Modern Notes
Charlie Bertsch
Chuck Tryon
Matt Kirschenbaum
Clemens Gruenberger
Another Subcontinent
Writing Cave
Tyler Curtain
Crooked Timber
Palinode
John & Belle
Juan Cole
Debonair
Communalism Watch
Clioweb
Cliopatria
Little Professor
In Favor of Thinking
The Acorn
Maud Newton
Josh Marshall
Philly Links
Philly Future
Philadelphia Metblogs
Changing Skyline
XPN Blog
Philadelphia Will Do
Phillyist
Philebrity
Politics Philly
Philadelphia Business Journal
Rittenhouse Review
Philadelphia Bicycle News
Philly Skyline
Only Partially Insane
Apt. 2024
SEPTA Google Maps API
Philastudies
www.flickr.com

what is this?

Comments:

<$BlogCommentBody$>
# posted by <$BlogCommentAuthor$> : <$BlogCommentDateTime$>
<$BlogCommentDeleteIcon$>
<$BlogItemCreate$>

Powered by Blogger

Protector of Brahmins or peasant king? Why a historian of Shivaji is on Sanatan Sanstha’s hitlist

Protector of Brahmins or peasant king? Why a historian of Shivaji is on Sanatan Sanstha’s hitlist

Like communal politics, movements built around caste are also mining history to mobilise people.
Protector of Brahmins or peasant king? Why a historian of Shivaji is on Sanatan Sanstha’s hitlist
HT
Sep 09, 2018 · 06:30 am
Shoaib Daniyal
 Share
 Tweet
 Email
 Reddit
 Print
 Share
 Tweet
 Email
 Reddit
 Print
In August, Shrimant Kokate, a historian and one of the leaders of the Maratha movement for reservation in jobs and education, claimed a threat to his life from the Sanatan Sanstha, an extremist Hindutva group whose members have been linked with the murders of rationalist thinkers such as Narendra Dabholkar, MM Kalburgi, Gauri Lankesh and Govind Pansare.

That month, the anti-terrorism squad of the Mumbai Police said they had recovered a list titled “dharmadrohi”, or betrayers of religion, which contained the names of police officials as well as Kokate. Kokate argues that he is being targeted because of his work as a historian, which portrays 17th-century Maratha king Shivaji as a secular monarch interested in the welfare of peasants, as opposed to the Hindutva version where Shivaji is seen to be an exclusively Hindu king fighting Muslims to protect Brahmins.

ADVERTISEMENT

While this debate has taken on a new urgency with the alleged threat to Kokate, the tussle over the memory of Shivaji is not new. It has been a constant feature of Marathi politics for more than a century now and is often a proxy for caste struggles in Maharashtra.

Shrimant Kokate
Shrimant Kokate
Two Shivajis
“For the past 25 years, I have been working at the grassroots to combat the false history about Shivaji Maharaj spread by the Sangh Parivar and the RSS [Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh],” said Kokate. “Ramdas and Dadoji Konddev were not Shivaji’s gurus. But this false history was propagated by Brahmin historians with the aim to show that Shivaji took their advice, he did not do things on his own. To show that the Brahmin is greater than the bahujan [lower caste].”

According to Kokate, he is fighting the Hindutva narrative that Shivaji was a “gobrahmin pratipalak”, a protector of cows and Brahmins. “In fact, the Peshwas wiped out Shivaji’s name,” claimed Kokate, referring to the Brahmin ministers of the Maratha Empire who would later wrest absolute power. “Mahatma Phule has actually called Shivaji a ‘kulwadi bhushan’, the pride of peasants.”

Apart from caste, Kokate’s polemics also include a narrative of Shivaji’s secularism. “The Sangh says Shivaji was against Muslims, but there is no evidence of this at all,” he said. “His fight was political not religious. Shivaji allied with Muslim sultans, he had Muslims in his army and navy. Even many of his bodyguards were Muslim.”

ADVERTISEMENT

A long history
The battle between Kokate’s view and that of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is not new. The split over how the Marathi people view Shivaji has a long history stretching back to the 19th century, starting with social reformer Jotirao Phule’s characterisation in the 1870s of Shivaji as a Shudra-friendly leader. “Two broad streams emerged in Maharashtra,” explained Rahul Sarwate, a doctoral scholar at Columbia University in the United States who is working on the intellectual history of the idea of Maharashtra. “One was the Phule-Ambedkar progressive, anti-caste stream and the other was the Hindu nationalist side pushed by Savarkar [who coined the term Hindutva], Hedgewar [founder of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh] and Moonje [a Hindu Mahasabha leader]. Both factions had their own narrative of who Shivaji was.”

Historian Prachi Deshpande wrote, “Maratha history was widely invoked in the expression of caste identity and protest against Brahmin dominance during the ‘non-Brahmin movement’ of the early 20th century.”

Earlier, in the late 19th century, Congress leader Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s Shivaji festival prompted fears of “Brahmin appropriation of the Maratha legacy”, leading to a protest poem in Phule’s newspaper in 1895:

“How can these faithless ones cherish respect for Chhatrapati?
They do not even pass on the gift of knowledge to others
They even kept the Chhatrapati in ignorance…
They bought Shivaji’s descendants to ruin….
It is the Kshatriyas who should feel honour for Shivaji
The Brahmins should be singing the virtue of the Peshwas.”

More recently, communist writer and politician Sharad Patil pushed the secular, anti-caste view of Shivaji. Patil, who died in 2014, wrote Who are the Real Enemies of Shivaji’s Hindavi Swarajya: The Mohammedans or the Brahmins? Another communist, Govind Pansare, published the popular book Shivaji Kon Hota, or Who Was Shivaji. Pansare was murdered in 2015, allegedly by a person linked to the Sanatan Sanstha.

ADVERTISEMENT

Rise of the Sambhaji Brigade
This historical battle has seen a resurgence in popular politics since 2004, following the attack on Pune’s Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, allegedly by the then little-known Sambhaji Brigade. The Sambhaji Brigade is an organisation dominated by people from the Maratha caste. Shrimant Kokate is the group’s spokesperson.

The provocation for the attack was a perceived insult to Shivaji by American academic James Laine in his book Shivaji: A Hindu king in Islamic India. “Brahmins at the institute helped Laine,” alleged Kokate, although he claims there was no violence, only protests. A court in Pune acquitted the accused members of the Sambhaji Brigade in 2017.

Since then, the Sambhaji Brigade has turned its energies to running movements based on what it characterises as insults to the memory of Shivaji. In 2010, it demanded that a statue of Dadoji Konddev be removed from the historical Lal Mahal in Pune, alleging that the narrative of Shivaji seeking the advice of Konddev was propped up by Brahmin historians. The statue was subsequently shifted. In 2012, the group successfully had the statue of Waghya – believed by some to be the Maratha king’s favourite dog – removed from the Chhatrapati Shivaji memorial in Raigad Fort. It argued that it was an insult to Shivaji’s memory. In 2015, it opposed the Bharatiya Janata Party government’s decision to award the state’s highest civilian honour, the Maharashtra Bhushan, to Babasaheb Purandare, a Right-Wing historian and writer. In 2017, the organisation removed a bust of writer Ram Ganesh Gadkari from a Pune park, claiming he had insulted Sambhaji, the son of Shivaji.

Merging politics and history
This strategy has been rather successful for the group. “By mixing history and politics, the Sambhaji Brigade has become very well-known today,” said Pratap Asbe, a political analyst.

ADVERTISEMENT

The ferment in popular history mirrors that in Marathi politics. The Sambhaji Brigade is one of the leading groups of the Maratha agitation for reservations in Maharashtra.

In this mix of history and politics, the founder of the Maratha Empire is critical. “Shivaji lies at the core of the Marathi identity,” explained historian Saili Palande-Datar. “He is like a god in Maharashtra. Anything said against him has major implications, so it is convenient for politicians to use.”

Just as history is used for communal ends, the history of the Marathas is mined for caste politics. “The current politics is between Maratha and Brahmin,” said Palande-Datar. “On the one side are parties like the Nationalist Congress Party and on the other the BJP-RSS.”

James Laine recognises how disparate political factions in Maharashtra use the idea of Shivaji even if the narratives they push might be ahistorical. “It is clear to me that every group and every generation that seeks to portray the life of Shivaji presents a portrait that tells us about that time and that group as much as it does about the subject,” said Laine. “That was the point of my book, not some claim that I had special insight into the ‘real Shivaji’. In my view both those who would portray Shivaji as a Hindu nationalist, as well as those who would portray him as a secularist, are attempting to make his life about values that may not have existed in 17th century India. Indeed ‘India’ as a modern nation-state did not exist in the 17th century.”

Why does Sambhaji Brigade hate Brahmins?

Why does Sambhaji Brigade hate Brahmins?

Ad by State Bank of India
What are the service charges for having a savings account in SBI?
There are no charges as such for having a savings account with us. However, one has to maintain monthly average balance as the requirement of the same has been reintroduced w.e....(Continue Reading in Feed)
5 Answers
Aryendra Joshi
Aryendra Joshi, Follower of Hinduism
Updated Jul 8, 2018
Sambhaji Brigade hates Hinduism itself. They have created a new cult named ‘Shiv Dharma’, which involves renouncing Hinduism and worshipping Shivaji Maharaj as God instead. Of course, this is in spite of the fact that Shivaji Maharaj was a devout Hindu himself. But according to Sambhaji brigade, Shivaji Maharaj was not a Hindu, but a secular socialist atheist revolutionary born 200 years before Marx. So “Jai Bhavani Jai Shivaji” and “Har Har Mahadev” are secular socialist atheist war cries according to them.

Not just that, according to them, even Sant Tukaram is not a Hindu. So Abhangs like “Vitthal Geeti Gaava, Vitthal Chitti Ghyava” (translates as : “Sing songs of the Lord Vitthal, Keep Lord Vitthal in Mind”) are expressions of atheism according to them. ROFLMAO

Also see : Aryendra Joshi's answer to Was Sant Tukaram murdered by the Brahmins?

The fact is that the Maratha race has always been very deeply devout Hindu. They are ferocious tigers. When Hinduism was facing the worst time, it was here in Maharashtra that the Hindu nation saw its resurgence! Even today our enemies are shit scared, when we have Maratha foot soldiers on streets.

So our enemies decide to rob Marathas of their very Hindu-hood. The first step towards that is portraying everything that is Hindu about Marathas, as Brahmin propaganda, and portraying Hinduism as a mechanism to feed Brahmins. So they claim that Hinduism was created by Brahmins, in order to exploit non-Brahmins. Hence, Brahmins become a scape-goat, for the sake of their ulterior anti-Hindu agenda.

In the process, they attack every Maharashtrian Brahmin : Sant Dnyaneshwar, Samarth Ramdas, Dadoji Konddev, Kavi Kalash, Peshwas, Tilak, Rajwade, Savarkar, Babasaheb Purandare etc.

Now, they have gone to the extent of attacking even a person like Pt. Bhimsen Joshi. Sawai Mahotsav is a classical music festival started by Pt. Bhimsen Joshi, in the memory of his Guru, Sawai Gandharva. Now they have started opposing even this, and you very well know why!

Sawai Mahotsav hits the wrong note for Sambhaji Brigade

In the past, they attacked Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (even though only a few references were shared for the James Laine book, BORI itself wasn’t involved) and destroyed precious manuscripts and artefacts, vandalised Dadoji Konddev’s statue in Lal Mahal and also pulled down a bust of Ram Ganesh Gadkari’s statue (The objectionable part in the play wasn’t even written by Gadkari).

They continue attacking Babasaheb Purandare and attack him on the false accusation that he supported James Laine.

Read the following letter :


Image source : Anti Sambhaji Brigade

To which they were replied :


Image source : Anti Sambhaji Brigade

Does this look like support to James Laine?

Now Brigedis have started appearing on Quora and started abusing saints like Samarth Ramdas. See the answer below, which goes to the extent of calling Samarth Ramdas a womanizer :

Aniket Rokade's answer to Saffronization of History: What is the controversy on Shivaji Maharaj and Samarth Ramdas Swami? Why has Sambhaji Brigade made such filthy accuses on Ramdas Swami?

Further, the verses mentioned in that answer are pure imagination of the author. If you read Dasbodh, you will find nothing like that. So these are just blatant lies!

Brigedis are very dangerous elements and the government needs to deal with them strictly. And Hindus need to be aware!