Thursday, 25 July 2024

Indian Sates with the Highest Muslim Population

 Indian Sates with the Highest Muslim Population 


India's diverse religious fabric

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India's diverse religious fabric

India, known for its diverse cultural and religious fabric, is home to a significant Muslim population. Islam is the second-largest religion in the country, with Muslims constituting around 14.2% of the total population according to the 2011 Census. This article explores the Indian states with the highest Muslim populations, highlighting key details about each region.



Uttar Pradesh

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Uttar Pradesh

Uttar Pradesh, the most populous state in India, has a substantial Muslim population. As of the 2011 Census, Muslims make up approximately 19.26% of the state’s population, translating to over 38 million individuals. Cities like Lucknow, Aligarh, and Varanasi have significant Muslim communities. The state has a rich history of Islamic culture, with landmarks such as the Taj Mahal in Agra and the Bara Imambara in Lucknow. The influence of Muslim rulers, particularly during the Mughal era, is evident in the state’s architecture, cuisine, and traditions.

Image: Canva


West Bengal

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West Bengal

West Bengal, located in eastern India, has a notable Muslim population, comprising about 27% of its total population. This translates to over 24 million Muslims as per the 2011 Census. The districts of Murshidabad, Malda, and North 24 Parganas have particularly high concentrations of Muslims. Kolkata, the state capital, is known for its cultural diversity and historical significance. The state’s Muslim community has contributed significantly to its cultural and social fabric, with festivals like Eid being celebrated with great enthusiasm.


Image: Canva



Bihar

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Bihar

Bihar, situated in eastern India, has a Muslim population of around 16.87%, which amounts to over 17 million people according to the 2011 Census. The districts of Kishanganj, Araria, and Purnia have the highest concentrations of Muslims. Bihar has a rich Islamic heritage, with historical sites such as the ancient city of Sasaram and the tomb of Sher Shah Suri. The state’s Muslim community plays a vital role in its socio-economic landscape, contributing to various fields such as education, politics, and business.


Image: Canva


Maharashtra

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Maharashtra

Maharashtra has a significant Muslim population, making up about 11.54% of the state’s total population. This equates to over 12 million Muslims as per the 2011 Census. Mumbai, the state capital, is home to a large Muslim community and is known for its diverse cultural milieu. The city has several prominent mosques, including the Haji Ali Dargah and the Jama Masjid. Maharashtra’s Muslim population is actively involved in various sectors, including film, business, and politics.


Image: Canva


Assam

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Assam

Assam, located in northeastern India, has a Muslim population of approximately 34.22%, which translates to over 10 million individuals according to the 2011 Census. The districts of Dhubri, Barpeta, and Goalpara have the highest concentrations of Muslims. Assam’s Muslim community has a unique cultural identity, influenced by both indigenous Assamese and Bengali traditions. The state is known for its rich cultural heritage, including traditional music, dance, and cuisine, with the Muslim community playing a significant role in its cultural landscape.

Image: Canva


Kerala

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Kerala

Kerala, a southern Indian state, has a Muslim population of about 26.56%, amounting to over 8 million people as per the 2011 Census. The districts of Malappuram, Kozhikode, and Kannur have particularly high concentrations of Muslims. Kerala’s Muslim community is known for its educational achievements and active participation in the state’s socio-economic development. The state has a rich history of trade and cultural exchange, with the Muslim community contributing significantly to its diverse cultural heritage.

Image: Canva


​Jammu and Kashmir

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​Jammu and Kashmir

Jammu and Kashmir, a union territory in northern India, has the highest percentage of Muslims in the country, with around 68.31% of its population adhering to Islam. This translates to over 8.5 million Muslims according to the 2011 Census. The region is known for its stunning natural beauty, including the Kashmir Valley, Dal Lake, and the Himalayan mountains. The Muslim community in Jammu and Kashmir has a rich cultural heritage, with traditional crafts, music, and cuisine playing a significant role in the region’s identity.

Image: Canva


Lakshadweep

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Lakshadweep

Lakshadweep, a union territory consisting of a group of islands in the Arabian Sea, has the highest proportion of Muslims in India, with 96.58% of its population following Islam. This amounts to over 60,000 Muslims as per the 2011 Census. The islands are known for their pristine beaches, coral reefs, and unique cultural heritage. The Muslim community in Lakshadweep has a distinct cultural identity, influenced by both Indian and Arab traditions. The region’s economy is primarily based on fishing, coconut cultivation, and tourism, with the Muslim community playing a central role in these activities.


Image: Canva


Muslim population in India has increased tremendously since Independence. The share of the community which was 9% in 1947 has increased to an estimated 16-18% in 2024. Special population control legislation needs to be enacted by parliament so that the share of all religious communities in India is restored to the level of their proportion at Independence.




The Rise of Marvadis

 వ్యాపార విజయాలు మార్వాడీల సొంతం

ABN , Publish Date - Jul 24 , 2024 | 05:05 AM


రాజస్థాన్. సారవంతమైన సేద్యపు భూములు లేవు, విశాల బాహ్య ప్రపంచానికి వెళ్లే నౌకాయాన మార్గాలు అంతకన్నా లేవు. అరబ్బు దేశాలలో వలే అత్యధిక ప్రాంతం ఎడారిగా ఉన్న భారతీయ సీమ రాజస్థాన్. ఒంటెలు ఒక ప్రధాన అంతర్భాగంగా...


వ్యాపార విజయాలు మార్వాడీల సొంతం

రాజస్థాన్. సారవంతమైన సేద్యపు భూములు లేవు, విశాల బాహ్య ప్రపంచానికి వెళ్లే నౌకాయాన మార్గాలు అంతకన్నా లేవు. అరబ్బు దేశాలలో వలే అత్యధిక ప్రాంతం ఎడారిగా ఉన్న భారతీయ సీమ రాజస్థాన్. ఒంటెలు ఒక ప్రధాన అంతర్భాగంగా ఉన్న రాజస్థానీయుల జీవన విధానం విలక్షణమైనది. తలవంచని వీరులు వారు. అలనాటి హల్దిఘాట్ యుద్ధం మొదలు నేడు తెలుగునాట పానీపూరి విక్రయాల వరకు అధిపత్య ఆరాటం ఆ భూమి పుత్రులలో ఉంది.



వాణిజ్య రంగంలో మార్వాడీల పాత్ర విశిష్టమైనది, అద్వితీయమైనది, చరిత్రాత్మకమైనది. పహేలే షా బాద్ మే బాద్ షా (మొదట షావుకారు ఆ తర్వాత రాజు) అనేది మార్వాడీల నానుడి. ఏ రాజ్యంలో మార్వాడీ వ్యాపారులు ఎక్కువ సంఖ్యలో ఉంటే ఆ రాజ్య ఆదాయం సమృద్ధమని కూడ అలనాటి కాలంలో రాజుల అభిప్రాయంగా ఉండేది. కాలం నాటి రాచరికం నుంచి ఈ నాటికీ వలస వ్యాపారులకు పర్యాయపదం మార్వాడీలు. అఫ్ఘానిస్తాన్ సుల్తాన్‌లు, హైదరాబాద్ నిజాం నవాబుల నుండి పిఠాపురం సంస్ధానాదీశుల దాకా చిన్న, పెద్ద పాలకులు అందరూ మార్వాడీలకు స్వాగతం పలికారు, ఆదరించారు, రాజ్య ఆదాయాన్ని పెంపొందించుకున్నారు. వర్తమాన భారతదేశంలో రాజస్ధానీలు ప్రత్యేకించి మార్వాడీల జైత్రయాత్ర ఆసేతు హిమాచలం, మరీ ముఖ్యంగా తెలుగునాట వ్యాపార సమీకరణాలను పూర్తిగా మార్చివేస్తోంది.



ABN ఛానల్ ఫాలో అవ్వండి


వర్తక శ్రేష్టులు అయిన మార్వాడీలు గతంలో నగరాలలో ఆటోమోబైల్, హార్డ్‌వేర్, బంగారం, మిఠాయి ఇత్యాది వ్యాపారాలకు మాత్రమే పరిమితమయ్యారు. కాలంతో పాటు వారూ మారారు. గత కొన్నాళ్ళుగా గోదావరి నదీ తీరంలోని నిర్మల్ జిల్లా మొదలు పెన్నా నదీ తీరంలోని నెల్లూరు దాకా మార్వాడీల ఉనికి అనూహ్యంగా పెరిగిపోతోంది. ఈ సమూహాల వ్యాపార దక్షతను ఎదుర్కోలేక స్ధానిక సంప్రదాయక వ్యాపారవర్గాలు వెనుకంజ వేస్తున్నాయి. వ్యాపార రంగం నుంచి నిష్క్రమిస్తున్నాయనడం సత్య దూరం కాదు. వినియోగదారుల అవసరాలకు అనుగుణంగా నూతన, వినూత్న వ్యాపార పద్ధతులతో మార్వాడీలు తమకంటూ ఒక ప్రత్యేక స్ధానాన్ని సంపాదించుకుంటున్నారు. స్వేచ్ఛా విపణిలో తామెందుకు వెనుకబడిపోతున్నామనేది తెలుగు వ్యాపారవేత్తలు ఒకసారి సమీక్షించుకోవల్సిన సందర్భమిది.



ఒక వైపు ఈ–కామర్స్ విజృంభణ, మరో వైపు యువతరం నిరాసక్తికి తోడుగా మార్వాడీల విస్తరణ ఫలితంగా తెలుగునాట సామాజిక జీవనంలో ఒక భాగమైన సంప్రదాయ షావుకారు దుకాణాలు సన్నగిల్లుతున్నాయి. సారవంతమైన సాగు భూములు, పుష్కల వ్యాపారవకాశాలు ఉన్నా తెలుగు ప్రాంతాలకు చెందిన అసంఖ్యాక యువజనులు విదేశీ కొలువుబాట పడుతున్నది. వాణిజ్యమే వృత్తిగా ఇప్పటి వరకు రాణించిన వైశ్య యువత కూడ పెద్ద సంఖ్యలో దేశ సరిహద్దులు దాటుతోంది. వ్యాపారంలో అడుగుపెట్టడానికి ఇతర సామాజిక వర్గాల యువత సాహసించలేకపోతుంది. స్వంత గడ్డపై స్ధానికులు నిస్సహాయ స్ధితిలో సతమతమవుతుండగా ఎక్కడి నుంచో గంపెడంత ఆశతో తెలుగునాటకు వచ్చిన మార్వాడీలు వ్యాపార విజయాలతో పురోగమిస్తున్నారు.


రాజస్ధానీ వ్యాపారులతో పాటు వారి గద్దీలు (గుమాస్తగిరి)లలో పని చేస్తున్న రాజస్ధానీ యువకుల సంఖ్య కూడ అనూహ్యంగా పెరిగిపోతోంది. తమ సేట్‌ల దుకాణాలలో గద్దీలపై గుమాస్తాలుగా పని చేస్తున్న ఆ యువకులు అనతికాలంలో సేట్‌లుగా ఎదుగుతూ స్వంత వ్యాపారాలను ప్రారంభిస్తున్నారు. తమ సేట్‌ల గద్దీలలో యాజమానుల పట్ల నిబద్ధత, విధేయతతో పని చేసే ఈ యువకుల నుంచి తెలుగు యువకులు నెర్చుకోవల్సింది చాలా ఉంది.



గల్ఫ్ దేశాలలో కోట్లకు పడగలెత్తిన విదేశీ వాణిజ్యవేత్తలలో కేరళలోని మలబార్ ప్రాంతీయులు, యుద్ధ పీడిత యమన్‌లోని హద్రమౌత్ ప్రాంతీయులు అగ్రగాములు. రిటైల్ రంగంలో వీరి పాత్ర ప్రముఖం. ప్రస్తుతం తెలుగునాట మార్వాడీల జయప్రద వ్యాపార సరళి కూడ సరిగ్గా అదే. సుదీర్ఘ కాలంగా ప్రజాజీవితంలో ఉన్నప్పటికీ ఇంత వరకు మజ్లిస్ నాయకులు ఎవరూ కూడ తెలుగు భాషను నేర్చుకోలేదు. అయితే రాజస్థానీ వ్యాపారస్తులు, వారి గద్దీ గుమాస్తాలు అందరూ తెలుగు భాషను అనర్గళంగా మాట్లాడగలగడం విశేషం. గల్ఫ్‌లో మలయాళీల విజయం వెనుక అరబ్బి భాషా కౌశలాలు ఉన్నట్లుగా తెలుగునాట రాజస్ధానీలు ముందడుగు వేయడానికి వారు తెలుగు భాష నేర్చుకోవడం కూడా ఒక కారణమని చెప్పవచ్చు. మార్వాడీల వ్యాపార విస్తరణపై అసహనం వ్యక్తం చేసే వారు, ఆ వ్యాపార దక్షుల విజయ రహస్యాలను తెలుసుకోవడం మంచిది. ఒకప్పుడు తిరుపతిలోని చిన్న బజారు లేదా హైదరాబాద్‌లోని బేగం బజారు లేదా గుల్జార్ హౌజ్‌కు మాత్రమే పరిమితమైన మార్వాడీలు నేడు మదనపల్లె, జగిత్యాల తరహా పట్టణాలకు విస్తరిస్తున్నారు మరి. అసూయపడితే ఎవరికి నష్టం? స్థానికేతరులు అయిన మార్వాడీలు అలా ముందంజ వేయడానికి దోహదం చేస్తున్నవేమిటో ఆకళించుకోవాలి.



ఆర్థిక వ్యవస్థల ప్రపంచీకరణ ఫలితంగా మాతృభాషా సంస్కృతులు ఉపేక్షింపబడుతున్న ప్రస్తుత తరుణంలో మార్వాడీలు ఎక్కడ స్థిరపడినా తమ భాషా, సంస్కృతులను సంరక్షించుకుంటున్నారు. వయస్సుతో సంబంధం లేకుండా మార్వాడీ మహిళలు పాటించే అథ్యాత్మిక చింతనా ప్రపత్తులు, సంప్రదాయాలు అందరికీ ఆదర్శప్రాయం కావాలి. వ్యాపార రంగంలో మార్వాడీలను విమర్శిస్తున్న వారు భవన నిర్మాణ రంగంలో ప్రబలుతోన్న ఉత్తరప్రదేశ్ వృతి నిపుణుల గురించి ఏమంటారు? రాజస్ధానీ మార్వాడీల, లేదా కేరళ మలబారీల సాఫల్య బాటను అనుసరించి తెలుగు యువత అవకాశాలను అందిపుచ్చుకోవాలి, వీలయితే సృష్టించుకోవాలి. విదేశీ వలసలలో తెలుగువారు ఉపాధి రంగంలో రాణించినట్లుగా మార్వాడీలు వ్యాపారాన్ని ఎంచుకుని అందులో రాణిస్తున్నారు.


మొహమ్మద్ ఇర్ఫాన్


(ఆంధ్రజ్యోతి గల్ఫ్ ప్రతినిధి)

Tuesday, 23 July 2024

Why I Am Resigning From the BJP

Why I Am Resigning From the BJP

Shivam Shankar Singh

18/Jun/2018

the wire


'Speak against the government and you’re anti-national and more recently, anti-Hindu.'

Why I Am Resigning From the BJP

Shivam Shankar Singh with BJP national general secretary Ram Madhav. Credit: Facebook

Political discourse is at its lowest point in the country, at least in my lifetime. The partisanship is unbelievable. People continue to support their side no matter what the evidence. There is no remorse even when they are proved to have been spreading fake news. This is something that everyone – the parties and voters/supporters are to be blamed for.

The Bharatiya Janata Party has done a great job at spreading some specific messages with incredibly effective propaganda, and these messages are the primary reason that I can’t support the party anymore. But before we get into any of that, I’d like everyone to understand that no party is totally bad, and no party is totally good. All governments have done some good and messed up on some fronts. This government is no different.

The good

1. Road construction is faster than it was earlier. There has been a change in methodology of counting road length, but even factoring that in, it seems to be faster.

2. Electricity connection increased – all villages electrified and people getting electricity for more hours. (The Congress did electrify over five lakh villages and Modi finished the job by connecting the last 18,000 so, you can weigh the achievement as you like. Similarly, the number of hours people get electricity has increased ever since independence, but we might have seen a larger increase during BJP).

3. Upper level corruption has reduced – no huge cases at the ministerial level as of now (but the same was true of UPA I). At the lower level, things seems to be about the same, with increased amounts; no one seems to be able to control the thanedar, patwari et al.

4. The Swachh Bharat Mission is a definite success – more toilets built than before and swachhta is something embedded in people’s minds now.

5. The Ujjwala Yojana is a great initiative, though how many people buy the second cylinder remains to be seen. The first one and a stove was free, but now people need to pay for it. The cost of cylinders has almost doubled since the government took over, and now one costs more than Rs 800.

6. Connectivity for the North East has undoubtedly increased. More trains, roads, flights and most importantly – the region is now discussed in the mainstream news channels.

7. Law and order is reportedly better than it was under regional parties.

Feel free to add achievements you can think of in the comments below. Also, achievements necessarily have caveats, failures are absolute.


The bad

It takes decades and centuries to build systems and nations, and the biggest failure I see in the BJP is that it has destroyed some great things on very flimsy grounds.

1. Electoral bonds – This basically legalises corruption and allows corporates and foreign powers to buy our political parties. The bonds are anonymous so if a corporate says I’ll give you an electoral bond of Rs 1,000 crore if you pass this specific policy, there will be no prosecution. There just is no way to establish a quid pro quo with an anonymous instrument. This also explains how corruption is reduced at the ministerial level – it isn’t per file/order, it is now like the US – at the policy level.

2. Planning Commission reports:  These used to be a major source for data. They audited government schemes and stated how things are going. With that gone, there just is no choice but to believe whatever data the government gives you (CAG audits come out after a long time). The NITI Aayog doesn’t have this mandate and is basically a think tank and PR agency. The plan/non-plan distinction could have been removed without removing the Planning Commission.

3. Misuse of CBI and ED: These are being used for political purposes as far as I can see, but even if they aren’t, the fear that these institutions will be unleashed on those who speak up against anything Modi/Shah related is real. This is enough to kill dissent – an integral component of democracy.

4. Failure to investigate Kalikho Pul’s suicide note, Judge Loya’s death, Sohrabuddin murder, the defence of an MLA accused of rape whose relative is accused of killing the girl’s father  in Unnao. The FIR wasn’t registered for over a year.

5. Demonetisation: It failed, but worse is the BJP’s inability to accept that it failed. All propaganda of it cutting terror funding, reducing cash, eliminating corruption is just absurd. It also killed off businesses.

6. GST implementation: It was implemented in a hurry and harmed business. Complicated structure, multiple rates on different items, complex filing… Hopefully it will stabilise in time, but it did cause harm. The BJP’s failure to acknowledge that is extremely arrogant.

7. The messed up foreign policy with pure grandstanding: China has a port in Sri Lanka, huge interests in Bangladesh and Pakistan – India is surrounded, the failure in Maldives (Indian workers not getting visas anymore because of India’s foreign policy debacle) while Modi ji goes out to foreign countries and keeps saying Indians had no respect in the world before 2014 and now they’re supremely respected (This is nonsense. Indian respect in foreign countries was a direct result of our growing economy and IT sector, it hasn’t improved an ounce because of Modi. Might even have declined due to beef based lynchings, threats to journalists etc.)

8. Failure of schemes and failure to acknowledge/course correct – Sansad Adarsh Gram Yojana, Make In India, Skill Development, Fasal Bima (look at reimbursements – the government is lining the pockets of insurance companies). Failure to acknowledge unemployment and farmers crisis – calling every real issue an opposition stunt.

9. The high prices of petrol and diesel – Modi and all BJP ministers and supporters criticised the Congress for it heavily when it was in power and now all of them justify the high prices even though crude is cheaper than it was then. This is just unacceptable.

10. Failure to engage with the most important basic issues – education and healthcare. There is just nothing on education, which is the nation’s biggest failure. The quality of government schools has deteriorated over the decades (ASER reports) and no action is being taken. They did nothing on healthcare for four years, then Ayushman Bharat was announced — that scheme scares me more than nothing being done. Insurance schemes have a terrible track record and this is going the US route, which is a terrible destination for healthcare (watch Sicko by Michael Moore).

You can add some and subtract some based on your own personal understanding of the issue, but this is my assessment. The electoral bonds issue is huge and hopefully the Supreme Court will strike it down. Every government has some failures and some bad decisions though, the bigger issue I have is more on morals than anything else.

The ugly

The real negative of this government is how it has affected the national discourse with a well-considered strategy. This isn’t a failure – it’s the plan.

1. It has discredited the media, so now every criticism is brushed off as a journalist who didn’t get paid by the BJP or is on the payrolls of the Congress. I know several journalists for whom the allegation can’t be true, but more importantly no one ever addresses the accusation or complaint – they just attack the person raising the issue and ignore the issue itself.

2. It has peddled a narrative that nothing happened in India in 70 years. This is patently false and the resulting mentality is harmful to the nation. This government spent over Rs 4,000 crore of our taxpayer money on advertisements and now that will become the trend. Do small works and huge branding. Modi isn’t the first one to build roads – some of the best roads I’ve travelled on were pet projects of Mayawati and Akhilesh Yadav. India became an IT powerhouse from the 1990s. It is easy to measure past performance and berate past leaders based on the circumstances of today. For example, one might ask: “Why did the Congress not build toilets in 70 years? They couldn’t even do something so basic.” This argument sounds logical and I believed it too, until I started reading India’s history. When we gained independence in 1947 we were an extremely poor country, we didn’t have the resources for even basic infrastructure and no capital. To counteract this Nehru went down the socialist path and created PSUs. We had no capacity to build steel, so with the help of Russians, the Heavy Engineering Corporation (HEC), Ranchi, was set up that made machines to make steel in India — without this we would have no steel, and consequently no infrastructure. That was the agenda — basic industries and infra. We had frequent droughts, every 2–3 years and a large number of people starved to death. The priority was to feed the people, toilets were a luxury no one cared for. The Green Revolution happened and the food shortages disappeared by the 1990s — now we have a surplus problem. The toilet situation is exactly like people asking 25 years from now why Modi couldn’t make all houses in India air conditioned. That seems like a luxury today, toilets were also a luxury at some point of time. Maybe things could have happened sooner, maybe 10–15 years ago, but saying nothing happened in 70 years is a horrible lie to peddle.

3. The spread of and reliance on fake news. There is some anti-BJP fake news too, but the pro-BJP and anti-opposition fake news outstrips that by miles in number and in reach. Some of it is supporters, but a lot of it comes from the party. It is often hateful and polarising, which makes it even worse. The online news portals backed by this government are damaging society more than we know.

4. Hindu khatre mein hai – they’ve ingrained it into the minds of people that Hindus and Hinduism are in danger, and that Modi is the only option to save ourselves. In reality Hindus have been living the same lives much before this government and nothing has changed except people’s mindset. Were we Hindus in danger in 2007? At least I didn’t hear about it everyday and I see no improvement in the condition of Hindus, just more fear mongering and hatred.

5. Speak against the government and you’re anti-national and more recently, anti-Hindu. Legitimate criticism of the government is shut up with this labelling. Prove your nationalism, sing Vande Mataram everywhere (even though BJP leaders don’t know the words themselves, they’ll force you to sing it!). I’m a proud nationalist and my nationalism won’t allow me to let anyone force me to showcase it. I will sing the national anthem and national song with pride when the occasion calls for it, or when I feel like it, but I won’t let anyone force me to sing it based on their whims.

6. Running news channels that are owned by BJP leaders whose sole job is to debate Hindu-Muslim, national-antinational, India-Pakistan and derail the public discourse from issues and logic into polarising emotions. You all know exactly which ones, and you all even know the debaters who’re being rewarded for spewing the vilest propaganda.

7. The polarisation – the message of development is gone. BJP’s strategy for the next election is polarisation and inciting pseudo-nationalism. Modi ji has basically said it himself in speeches – Jinnah; Nehru; Congress leaders didn’t meet Bhagat Singh in jail (that was fake news from the PM himself), the Congress leaders met leaders in Pakistan to defeat Modi in Gujarat, Yogi ji’s speech on how Maharana Pratap was greater than Akbar, JNU students are anti-national they’ll #TukdeTukdeChurChur India – this is all propaganda constructed for a very specific purpose – polarise and win elections – it isn’t the stuff I want to be hearing from my leaders and I refuse to follow anyone who is willing to let the nation burn in riots for political gain.

These are just some of the instances of how the BJP is pushing the national discourse in a dark corner. This isn’t something I signed up for and it totally isn’t something I can support. That is why I am resigning from BJP.

PS: I supported BJP since 2013 because Narendra Modi ji seemed like a ray of hope for India and I believed in his message of development – that message and the hope are now both gone. The negatives of this Narendra Modi and Amit Shah government now outweigh the positives for me, but that is a decision that every voter needs to make individually. Just know that history and reality are complicated. Buying into simplistic propaganda and espousing cult-like unquestioning faith are the worst things you can do – it is against the interests of democracy and of this nation.

You all have your own decisions to make as the elections approach. Best of luck with that. My only hope is that we can all live and work harmoniously together – and contribute towards making a better, stronger, poverty-free and developed India, no matter what party or ideology we support. Always remember that there are good people on both sides, the voter needs to support them and they need to support each other ,even when they are in different parties.

Shivam Shankar Singh worked on the BJP’s election campaigns in several north-eastern states as part of Ram Madhav’s team. 

Thursday, 11 July 2024

The link between Muslim Women Maintenance and Babri Masid Controversy

 Shah Bano Begum DATE OF SC  JUDGMENT- 23rd April, 1985.

The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 was passed in the Parliament on May 19, 1986.

The locks of the Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi site in Ayodhya were opened on February 1, 1986.

 This decision allowed Hindu devotees to worship at the site, which had been locked since 1949. Both events occurred during the tenure of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.


Muslim Women: సెక్షన్‌ 125 కింద ముస్లిం మహిళలూ భరణానికి అర్హులే

ABN , Publish Date - Jul 11 , 2024 | 04:48 AM

భర్త నుంచి భరణం కోరే హక్కును భార్యకు ఇచ్చే సీఆర్‌పీసీ సెక్షన్‌ 125 దేశంలోని వివాహితలు అందరికీ మతాతీతంగా వర్తిస్తుందని తేల్చిచెప్పింది.

Muslim Women: సెక్షన్‌ 125 కింద ముస్లిం మహిళలూ భరణానికి అర్హులే 

సీఆర్పీసీలోని ఆ సెక్షన్‌ మతాలకు అతీతమైంది

భరణం దయతో ఇచ్చేది కాదు.. అది వివాహిత మహిళల హక్కు

ఆ సెక్షన్‌ మతాలకు అతీతమైంది

భరణం.. ‘దయ’ కాదు.. హక్కు

సుప్రీంకోర్టు చరిత్రాత్మక తీర్పు

ముస్లిం మహిళల భరణానికి సంబంధించి సుప్రీంకోర్టు చరిత్రాత్మక తీర్పును వెలువరించింది! భర్త నుంచి భరణం కోరే హక్కును భార్యకు కల్పించే సీఆర్పీసీ సెక్షన్‌ 125 మతంతో సంబంధం లేకుండా వివాహితలందరికీ వర్తిస్తుందని.. ట్రిపుల్‌ తలాఖ్‌ ద్వారా చట్టవిరుద్ధంగా విడాకులు పొందిన ముస్లిం మహిళలు ఈ సెక్షన్‌ కింద భరణం కోరవచ్చని స్పష్టం చేసింది!! ‘‘భరణం.. వివాహితల హక్కు. దాతృత్వం కాదు’’ అని తేల్చిచెప్పింది. ఈ సెక్షన్‌ కింద భరణం కోరే హక్కు ముస్లిం మహిళలకు కూడా ఉందంటూ 1985లో సుప్రీంకోర్టు తీర్పు ఇవ్వగా.. కొందరు సంప్రదాయవాదుల ఒత్తిళ్లకు లొంగిపోయి 1986లో రాజీవ్‌గాంధీ సర్కారు ఆ తీర్పునకు భిన్నంగా ముస్లిం మహిళల భరణానికి సంబంధించి ఒక చట్టం తెచ్చిన సంగతి తెలిసిందే. ఆ చట్టం ప్రకారం మాత్రమే ముస్లిం మహిళలు భరణం కోరాలనే వాదనను సుప్రీంకోర్టు తన తాజా తీర్పులో తోసిపుచ్చింది. సీఆర్పీసీలోని లౌకికమైన, మతపరంగా తటస్థమైన సెక్షన్‌ 125ను ఈ కేసులో ఆ చట్టం ప్రభావితం చేయలేదని తేటతెల్లం చేసింది.

న్యూఢిల్లీ, జూలై 10 (ఆంధ్రజ్యోతి): భర్త నుంచి భరణం కోరే హక్కును భార్యకు ఇచ్చే సీఆర్‌పీసీ సెక్షన్‌ 125 దేశంలోని వివాహితలు అందరికీ మతాతీతంగా వర్తిస్తుందని తేల్చిచెప్పింది. 2019నాటి ‘ముస్లిం విమెన్‌ (ప్రొటెక్షన్‌ ఆఫ్‌ రైట్స్‌ ఆన్‌ మ్యారేజ్‌) యాక్ట్‌కు విరుద్ధంగా.. ముమ్మారు తలాఖ్‌ చెప్పడం ద్వారా భార్యకు విడాకులు ఇస్తే.. భార్య ఆ చట్టంతోపాటు, ఈ సెక్షన్‌ ద్వారా కూడా భరణం కోరవచ్చని స్పష్టం చేసింది. తెలంగాణకు చెందిన మహ్మద్‌ అబ్దుల్‌ సమద్‌ అనే వ్యక్తి దాఖలు చేసిన అప్పీలుపై విచారణ జరిపి ఈ చరిత్రాత్మక తీర్పు వెలువరించింది. అబ్దుల్‌ సమద్‌ తన భార్యకు 2017లో ముస్లిం పర్సనల్‌ లా ప్రకారం విడాకులు ఇచ్చారు. దీంతో ఆమె.. సీఆర్‌పీసీ సెక్షన్‌ 125 కింద భర్తతో తనకు భరణం ఇప్పించాలని కోరుతూ ఫ్యామిలీ కోర్టులో పిటిషన్‌ వేశారు. పూర్వాపరాలను పరిశీలించిన ఫ్యామిలీ కోర్టు.. నెలకు రూ.20 వేలు భరణం కింద చెల్లించాలని సమద్‌ను ఆదేశించింది.

ABN ఛానల్ ఫాలో అవ్వండి

ఆ తీర్పును సమద్‌ తెలంగాణ హైకోర్టులో సవాల్‌ చేశారు. ముస్లిం పర్సనల్‌ చట్టం ప్రకారం.. తాను భరణం ఇవ్వాల్సిన అవసరం లేదని, ఆ విషయాన్ని ఫ్యామిలీ కోర్టు పట్టించుకోలేదని పిటిషన్‌లో పేర్కొన్నారు. అయితే, ఫ్యామిలీ కోర్టు తీర్పును రద్దు చేయటానికి హైకోర్టు నిరాకరించింది. నెలకు చెల్లించాల్సిన భరణాన్ని మాత్రం రూ.10 వేలకు తగ్గించింది. బాధితురాలు పిటిషన్‌ వేసినప్పటి నుంచి భరణం చెల్లించాలని ఆదేశించింది. దీనిని సమద్‌ సుప్రీంకోర్టులో సవాల్‌ చేశారు. ఆయన తరఫున సీనియర్‌ న్యాయవాది వసీం ఖాద్రీ వాదనలను వినిపించారు. విడాకులు తీసుకున్న ముస్లిం మహిళలకు ‘ముస్లిం మహిళల విడాకుల హక్కుల పరిరక్షణ చట్టం, 1986’ వర్తిస్తుందిగానీ, సీఆర్‌పీసీ సెక్షన్‌ 125 వర్తించదని.. భరణం చెల్లించాల్సిన అవసరం లేదని వాదించారు. ముస్లిం మహిళలకు సీఆర్‌పీసీ సెక్షన్‌ 125 కన్నా, 1986 నాటి చట్టమే అధిక ప్రయోజనం కలిగిస్తుందన్నారు. కాగా, ఈ కేసులో గౌరవ్‌ అగర్వాల్‌ అనే న్యాయవాదిని అమికస్‌ క్యూరీ(కోర్టు సహాయకుడిగా)గా న్యాయస్థానం నియమించింది.

వాదనలను విన్న సుప్రీంకోర్టు తీర్పును ఈ ఏడాది ఫిబ్రవరి 19వ తేదీన రిజర్వు చేసింది. తాజాగా బుధవారం జస్టిస్‌ బీవీ నాగరత్న, జస్టిస్‌ అగస్టీన్‌ జార్జ్‌ మాసి్‌హతో కూడిన ధర్మాసనం తీర్పును వెలువరించింది. ‘ముస్లిం మహిళల విడాకుల హక్కుల పరిరక్షణ చట్టం, 1986’, సీఆర్‌పీసీ 125 సెక్షన్‌.. ఈ రెండింటిలో 125 సెక్షనే ఈ కేసులో వర్తిస్తుందని ధర్మాసనం తన తీర్పులో స్పష్టం చేసింది. ‘‘మతాల సరిహద్దులకు అతీతంగా వివాహిత మహిళలకు ఆర్థిక భద్రత కల్పించే, లింగ సమానత్వాన్ని బలోపేతం చేసే హక్కు భరణం’’ అని స్పష్టం చేసింది. అయితే.. ముస్లిం మహిళలు భరణం కోసం 1986లో రాజీవ్‌గాంధీ సర్కారు తెచ్చిన ‘ముస్లిం మహిళల విడాకుల హక్కుల పరిరక్షణ చట్టం, 1986’ను, సీఆర్‌పీసీ 125 సెక్షన్‌ను.. రెండింటినీ ఉపయోగించుకోవచ్చని, ఇవి పరస్పర ఆధారితాలేగానీ పోటీ కావని తెలిపింది. ఈ మేరకు హైకోర్టు తీర్పును సవాల్‌ చేస్తూ సమద్‌ దాఖలు చేసిన పిటిషన్‌ను కొట్టివేస్తున్నట్లు ప్రకటించింది. న్యాయమూర్తులిద్దరూ వేర్వేరుగా తీర్పులు వెలువరించినప్పటికీ ఒకే విధమైన తీర్పు ఇచ్చారు.

స్వాగతించిన బీజేపీ..

భరణానికి సంబంధించి సీఆర్పీసీ సెక్షన్‌ 125 మతాలకు అతీతంగా వివాహిత మహిళలందరికీ వర్తిస్తుందంటూ సుప్రీంకోర్టు ఇచ్చిన తీర్పును బీజేపీ స్వాగతించింది. 1985లో ఇదే రీతిలో సుప్రీంకోర్టు ఇచ్చిన తీర్పును అతిక్రమిస్తూ 1986లో రాజీవ్‌గాంధీ సర్కారు చట్టాన్ని తెచ్చిందని బీజేపీ ఎంపీ సుధాన్షు త్రివేదీ దుయ్యబట్టారు. షరియాకు, ఇస్లామిక్‌ చట్టాలకు ప్రాధాన్యం ఇస్తూ చేసిన ఆ చట్టం రాజ్యాంగానికే అతిపెద్ద ప్రమాదాల్లో ఒకటని ఆయన ఆందోళన వెలిబుచ్చారు. ‘‘కాంగ్రెస్‌ పార్టీ ఎప్పుడు అధికారంలోకి వచ్చినా.. అప్పుడు రాజ్యాంగం ప్రమాదంలో పడుతుంది. అప్పట్లో రాజీవ్‌గాంధీ సర్కారు రాజ్యాంగం కంటే షరియాకే ప్రాధాన్యం ఇచ్చింది. కాంగ్రెస్‌ హయాంలో అణచివేతకు గురైన రాజ్యాంగ ప్రతిష్ఠను సుప్రీం తాజా తీర్పు పునరుద్ధరించింది. రాజ్యాంగానికి పొంచి ఉన్న అతిపెద్ద ముప్పుల్లో ఒకదానికి ముగింపు పలికింది’’ అని ఆయన వ్యాఖ్యానించారు. కాగా.. ఈ తీర్పుతో ఉమ్మడి పౌరస్మృతి అంశం మరోసారి తెరపైకి వచ్చింది. మళ్లీ అధికారంలోకి వస్తే ఉమ్మడి పౌర స్మృతిని అమల్లోకి తెస్తామని బీజేపీ 2024 ఎన్నికలకు ముందు తన మేనిఫెస్టోలో ప్రకటించింది.

కుటుంబం కోసం భార్యల త్యాగం

జస్టిస్‌ బీవీ నాగరత్న తన తీర్పులో.. భార్య ఆర్థికంగా ఎవరి మీదా ఆధారపడకుండా ఉండేలా చూసుకోవాల్సిన బాధ్యత భర్తదేనని హితవు పలికారు. ‘‘సొంతంగా ఆదాయం అంటూ లేని భార్యకు భర్త తన ఆర్థిక వనరులను అందుబాటులో ఉంచాలి. కుటుంబ అవసరాలతోపాటు ఆమె వ్యక్తిగత అవసరాలు తీరేలా చర్యలు తీసుకోవాలి. ఈ చైతన్యాన్ని భర్త కలిగి ఉండాలి. ఈ విధంగా ఆర్థికంగా సమృద్ధిపరిచినప్పుడే కుటుంబంలో భార్య స్థానం ఎవరి మీదా ఆధారపడే పరిస్థితి లేకుండా సుస్థిరంగా ఉంటుంది. ఈ విధమైన చైతన్యాన్ని కలిగి ఉండి.. తన ఏటీఎం కార్డును ఇవ్వటం ద్వారా, బ్యాంకులో ఖాతాను ఇద్దరి పేరు మీద తీసుకోవటం ద్వారా భార్యను ఆర్థికంగా ఆత్మవిశ్వాసంతో ఉంచేలా వ్యవహరిస్తున్న భర్తలను అభినందించాలి’’ అని పేర్కొన్నారు. ఆర్థికంగా భర్త మీదే ఆధారపడే భార్యకు ఆర్థికపరమైన ఒత్తిడి లేకుండా చూడటానికే భరణం అని స్పష్టం చేశారు. విడాకులు తీసుకున్న వారేగాక వివాహిత మహిళలందరికీ ఈ అవకాశం రాజ్యాంగం కల్పించిందన్నారు.

Updated Date - Jul 11 , 2024 | 04:48 AM

Who influenced Rajiv Gandhi to promulgate Muslim Women diverse Rights Protection Act 1986

ముస్లిం మహిళల విడాకుల హక్కుల పరిరక్షణ చట్టం, 1986’ 

Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act 1986

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Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act 1986

Parliament of India

Long title

An Act to protect the right of Muslim women who have been divorced by, or have obtained divorce from, their husbands and to provide for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.

Citation Act No. 25 of 1986

Enacted by Parliament of India

Status: In force

The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act was an act passed by the Parliament of India in 1986 to protect the rights of Muslim women who have been divorced from their husband and to provide for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto. The Act was passed by the Rajiv Gandhi government, with its absolute majority, to nullify the decision in the Shah Bano case,[1][2][3] and diluted the secular judgement of the Supreme Court.

It is administered by any magistrate of the first class exercising jurisdiction under the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973. As per the Act, a divorced Muslim woman is entitled to reasonable and fair provision and maintenance from her former husband, and this should be paid within the period of iddat.

According to the Statement of Objects and Reasons of this Act, when a Muslim divorced woman is unable to support herself after the iddat period that she must observe after the death of her spouse or after a divorce, during which she may not marry another man, the magistrate is empowered to make an order for the payment of maintenance by her relatives who would be entitled to inherit her property on her death according to Muslim Law. But when a divorced woman has no such relatives, and does not have the means to pay the maintenance, the magistrate would order the State Waqf Board to pay the maintenance. The liability of husband to pay the maintenance was thus restricted to the period of the iddah only.[4][5]

Personal laws

High Courts have interpreted "just and fair provision" that a woman is entitled to during her iddat period very broadly to include amounts worth lakhs (hundreds of thousands) of rupees. More recently, the Supreme Court in Danial Latifi v. Union of India read the Act with Articles 14 and 15 of the Constitution of India, which prevent discrimination on the basis of sex, and held that the intention of the framers could not have been to deprive Muslim women of their rights. Further, the Supreme Court construed the statutory provision in such a manner that it does not fall foul of Articles 14 and 15.

The provision in question is Section 3(1)(a) of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 which states that "a reasonable and fair provision and maintenance to be made and paid to her within the iddah period by her former husband".[6] The Court held this provision means that reasonable and fair provision and maintenance is not limited for the iddah period (as evidenced by the use of word "within" and not "for"). It extends for the entire life of the divorced wife until she remarries.[7] In Shabana Bano v Imran Khan, the Supreme Court held that a Muslim divorced woman who has no means to maintain herself is entitled to get maintenance from her former husband even after the period of iddah and she can claim the same under S.125 CrPC.[8][9]

Divorced women are entitled to maintenance from their former husband not only for the iddat period but also to reasonable and fair provisions for future maintenance. S.3 of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act has to be given under the liberal interpretation to help divorced women. K. Zunaideen v. Ameena Begum (1998) 1 ctc 566.[10]

Notes

The Act is declaratory & retrospective in its operation. Even if the wife is divorced prior to the commencement of the Act, her former husband is liable to provide reasonable and fair provision and maintenance to her. Hyder Khan v. Mehrunnisa(1993)1 APLJ 82 DNC (KER)[11]


Who really influenced Rajiv Gandhi to act against Shah Bano judgment?

Rasheed Kidwai

RASHEED KIDWAI

24 July, 2018 11:01 am IST

11

File photo of Rajiv Gandhi | Sharad Saxena/The India Today Group/Getty Images

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Both the Hindu right and liberals blame Rajiv Gandhi for the Shah Bano flip-flop, accusing him of indulging in minority appeasement. 

Contrary to popular belief, it was not Rajiv Gandhi who fielded his minister Ziaur Rahman Ansari to challenge the Supreme Court judgment in the 1985-86 Shah Bano case. For too long, Rajiv has been pilloried by Indians over his role in surrendering to Muslim conservatives during the Shah Bano episode.

But a new book by Ansari’s son says it was the other way around.

In an upcoming book titled Wings of Destiny: Ziaur Rahman Ansari – A life ( Highbrow Scribes Publications, 2018 ), Ansari’s Canada-based son Fasihur Rahman claims that it was actually his father, driven by religious zeal and armed with a resignation letter, who had prevailed upon Rajiv to overturn the apex court’s verdict.

Ansari informed Rajiv that he will challenge the apex court’s verdict in Mohammad Ahmad Khan vs Shah Bano Begum, delivered by the five-judge Constitution Bench comprising Chief Justice Y.V. Chandrachud, Justices Ranganath Misra, D.A. Desai, O. Chinnappa Reddy and E.S. Venkataramiah on 23 April 1985.

Fasihur, a trained environmental scientist and a fellow at the University of British Columbia, Okanagan Campus, Canada, writes in the book that there has been a “preconceived notion” dominant till date that it was Rajiv or the Congress Party who had emboldened Ansari to speak against the judgment.

Both the Hindu right and liberals blame Rajiv for the Shah Bano flip-flop, accusing him of indulging in minority appeasement and giving in to orthodox Muslim clergy that was represented by Ansari and the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB). This stand on Shah Bano overshadowed his other achievements such as ushering the computer age in India, and the science and technology missions.

After a year of debate, Rajiv Gandhi government brought The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 to overturn the judgment of the Supreme Court following pressure from Muslims, including Ulamas, who said that the judgment was in conflict with sharia.

In the book, Fasihur quotes The Telegraph, Calcutta from back then: “The Congress (I) had decided to field another minister, Mr. Z.R. Ansari, to contradict his (Arif Mohammad Khan)assertion on the floor of the House.” He also cites The Times of India editorial stating: “It is clear beyond doubt that Mr. Gandhi gave Mr. Ansari the go ahead signal. In plain terms, Mr. Ansari too was not acting at his own initiative.”

According to Fasihur, his father was even prepared to resign from the union council of ministers if Rajiv had not let him speak in Parliament against the Supreme Court verdict.“I wish to set the record straight,” Fasihur writes. “There is no iota of truth in such preconceived notions that Ziaur Rahman Ansari ’s intervention in the debate related to the Supreme Court judgment in Shah Bano case was at the behest of Rajiv Gandhi or the Congress party. His intervention in the debate was his personal decision impelled by his conscience. It was neither the Congress Party nor Rajiv Gandhi who asked him to speak as has been claimed in various articles.”

Aziz Qureshi, who later became the governor of Uttarakhand during the UPA years, was also present at this Ansari-Gandhi meeting.

Quoting Qureshi, the author writes: “Magnanimous Rajiv Gandhi took the resignation letter, tore it and threw it in a dustbin. Who is stopping you to speak? Rajiv Gandhi asked Ziaur Rahman. How many well-wishers do we have remained (sic) with us now, Gandhi added, according to Dr. Aziz Qureshi.”

Fasihur’s account is a little different from the one that was put forth two years ago by senior bureaucrat Wajahat Habibullah. According to that version, it was M.J. Akbar who had influenced Rajiv to support the stance taken by the Muslim clergy.

“Then, one day as I entered Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s chamber, I found M.J. Akbar sitting across his table. Rajiv smiled cheerily, “Come in, come in Wajahat, you are one of us.” Habibullah had recalled that he found Rajiv’s greeting “odd” but discovered the reason soon enough. “Mr. Akbar had convinced Rajiv that if the government were not to contest the Shah Bano judgment, it would appear to the Muslim community that the Prime Minister did not regard them as his own. In what he perceived as the defence of their religious rights, Rajiv would show himself worthy of the support that the community had always placed in his family. This was the argument that Mr. Akbar developed in a Doordarshan debate with then-Minister Arif Mohammed Khan, in which Mr. Khan had argued that the Koranic provision or lack of it for maintenance was neither a compulsion nor closed to interpretation. But Mr. Akbar, more Westernised, had argued that the Muslims needed the reassurance that only an amendment could bring.”

Akbar, currently a minister in Narendra Modi government, did not contest Habibullah’s claim.

Rasheed Kidwai is an ORF visiting fellow, author and journalist. The views expressed here are his own.

On which date Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act 1986 passed in the parliament? On which date Babri Masid - Rama mandir locks were opened in Ayodhya? During Rajeev Gandhi rule. 

ChatGPT

The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 was passed in the Parliament on May 19, 1986.

The locks of the Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi site in Ayodhya were opened on February 1, 1986. This decision allowed Hindu devotees to worship at the site, which had been locked since 1949. Both events occurred during the tenure of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.



On which date did supreme court gave its judgement in Shabano case ? Who were the judges in the 5 member bench. 




1986: Babri Masjid unlocked

It generated a political energy that culminated in the mosque’s ultimate destruction.

Published : Aug 15, 2022 06:00 IST


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At Ayodhya in November 1989, consecrated bricks brought from various parts of the country as part of the shilanyas exercise.

At Ayodhya in November 1989, consecrated bricks brought from various parts of the country as part of the shilanyas exercise. | Photo Credit: The Hindu Archives


The Rajiv Gandhi government’s overturning of the Supreme Court judgment in the Shah Bano case had not only riled the Indian middle class and the intelligentsia but also given a boost to the Hindu right wing and its majoritarian playbook. The Congress appeared to be siding with the Muslim orthodoxy with its own minister, Ziaur Rahman Ansari, had frowning on the Supreme Court judgment while addressing Parliament during the thick of the controversy.


At this tumultuous political juncture, Rajiv Gandhi took his second most injudicious decision: he green-signalled the opening of the Babri Masjid locks. The mosque had been locked by the Jawaharlal Nehru government in 1949 after idols of Ram appeared on the premises under mysterious circumstances on the heels of a campaign that sought to prove that the masjid stood at the exact birthplace of the Hindu deity Ram.


In a move most experts believe was made at the prompting of the government at New Delhi to divert attention



A Landmark Case On Triple Talaq (Popularly Known As ‘The Shah Bano Case’)

(Landmark)

Mohd. Ahmed Khan


vs.


Shah Bano Begum


AIR 1985 SCR (3) 844]


DATE OF JUDGMENT- 23rd April, 1985.


BENCH-  D A Desai, E S Venkataramiah, Rangnath Mishra, O C Reddy, Y V Chandrachud.


BACKGROUND OF THE CASE- The case revolves around a long battle fought by a muslim woman, Shah Bano (appellant) against the system of triple talaq for the price of hatred by the community as well as her husband. The appellant got married to the respondent in 1932, who happened to be renowned advocate in Indore. 14 years after marriage the respondent got married to another woman younger to him and disowned the appellant and his 5 children that he had with her. Three years later to be disowned the appellant brought a petition for maintenance under Sec. 125 of the CrPC, 1973 because the respondent kept her deprived of the monthly maintenance of 200 rupees which he had promised to pay. In the same year he divorced her pronouncing talaq three times instantaneously which could not be revoked. He took the defence that since she does not remain to be his legal wife anymore he was not obliged to provide her maintenance of monthly alimony. At the instant the magistrate directed the respondent to pay her a monthly amount of 25/- after which she pleaded before the Madhya Pradesh HC to increase that amount up to 179 rupees. The court enhanced the amount to 179.20/-. The respondent filed a petition in the Apex court challenging the verdict of the HC pleading that the Islam or Islamic law does not permit to keep a connection with a spouse after divorce and therefore he is not liable to pay her maintenance on monthly basis.   


UNDERSTANDING SECTION 125 OF THE CrPC- In this particular case clause 1 of Section 125 mentions about individuals who can claim maintenance, namely:


A wife from the husband.

A minor child (whether legitimate or illegitimate) from the father.

A minor child (whether legitimate or illegitimate) who is suffering from physical or mental anomaly, from the father.

Parents from their son or daughter.

 


There are certain conditions necessary for granting maintenance:


The person granting maintenance should have ‘sufficient’ means to do so.

If the person supposed to provide maintenance either refuses with his duty to provide the same or overlooks the same or defaults then it shall be considered as neglect or refusal.

The person asking for maintenance should be inefficient or unable to maintain himself then only he/she can claim for it.

The quantum of maintenance to be granted depends on the standard of living of both the parties.

 


ISSUES RAISED BEFORE THE COURT:


Whether the definition of the ‘wife’ within the purview of Sec. 125 of CrPC, 1973 includes a divorced Muslim woman.

Whether the Muslim husband after paying the due amount of ‘mehr’ is free from his duty to pay the maintenance afterwards.

Whether this section overrides the personal law of muslims.

Whether the uniform civil code can be extended to all the religions.  

 


FINAL VERDICT:


The apex court after dismissing the plea of the respondent and upholding the decision of the HC came up with the following opinion:


That Section 125 of CrPC applies to all citizens of the country irrespective of their religion without resorting to any sort of discrimination; therefore there is no chance that the muslims shall be left out by any exception.

That if any conflict arises between the muslim personal law and Sec. 125 then the latter shall prevail.

That even if the duty of the husband to maintain his divorced wife extends only till the iddat period, still he has to maintain her beyond that period provided she is unable to maintain herself.

Husband having paid mehar does not absolve him of the duty to maintain his divorced wife beyond that. Mehar as it is not the amount paid on divorce under muslim personal law, rather it is paid either at the time of marriage or after that as a part of marriage by virtue of muslim custom being followed since time immemorial until it got recognition by the personal law.  

She should be unable to maintain herself.

If she is able to maintain herself or she is willing to maintain herself after the divorce takes place then the husband is relieved of his duty to provide her monthly maintenance.

Section 125 is of secular nature.

The divorced wife shall be described as ‘wife’ within the meaning of sec. 125 unless she remarries.

That there exists no animosity between the Muslim personal law and Section 125 in context to husband’s duty to maintain the wife because the latter comes into play after the Muslim personal law has been applied as per which the husband is required to maintain till the iddat period and beyond that if she still remains unable to maintain herself, his duty to maintain her extends until she remarries.

 


CONCLUSION


Despite facing huge criticism and disagreement from the muslim community the Honourable SC played a remarkable role in upholding the decision in the favour of muslim women rights. But the aftermath involved the nullifying of the decision by the enactment of the “Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on divorce) ACT, 1986” by the Congress govt. under immense pressure placed by the muslim community. The Act said that the muslim husband’ s duty to maintain wife shall extend only to the period of the ‘iddat’ or 90 days after the divorce and incase a child takes birth the uptil the period of 2 years since the birth of the child. This brought the culture if muslim women demanding a onetime lump sum amount of alimony for a life time but most of the women who were illiterate or unaware still remained in a helpless condition. Eventually the constitutional validity of the Act was challenged in Daniel Latifi and Anr. Vs UOI.




On which date Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act 1986 passed in the parliament? On which date Babri Masid - Rama mandir locks were opened in Ayodhya? During Rajeev Gandhi rule. 

ChatGPT


Shah Bano Begum DATE OF JUDGMENT- 23rd April, 1985.

The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 was passed in the Parliament on May 19, 1986.

The locks of the Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi site in Ayodhya were opened on February 1, 1986.


 This decision allowed Hindu devotees to worship at the site, which had been locked since 1949. Both events occurred during the tenure of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.




The Supreme Court on July 10 ruled that a divorced Muslim woman is entitled to a claim of maintenance under Section 125 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), 1973, against her former husband — affirming that a parallel remedy under a secular law cannot be foreclosed by existing personal laws.



Decoding Supreme Court’s verdict on divorced Muslim women’s right to maintenance under Section 125 CrPC 

PREMIUM

In a landmark ruling, the top Court opined that relief under Section 125 CrPC is a social security measure that operates independently of any Muslim personal law remedies. What are the key takeaways?

Updated - July 11, 2024 12:42 pm IST


Published - July 10, 2024 10:06 pm IST


AARATRIKA BHAUMIK

A group of Muslim women walk by a poster advocating for girls’s education. 

A group of Muslim women walk by a poster advocating for girls’s education. | Photo Credit: AFP


The Supreme Court on July 10 ruled that a divorced Muslim woman is entitled to a claim of maintenance under Section 125 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), 1973, against her former husband — affirming that a parallel remedy under a secular law cannot be foreclosed by existing personal laws.


A bench of Justices B.V. Nagarathna and Justice Augustine George Masih pronounced separate but concurring judgments upholding the rights of Muslim women after a Muslim man challenged a Telangana High Court direction to pay ₹10,000 interim maintenance to his former wife. He had contended that the maintenance claim in his case would instead be governed by the provisions of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986 (1986 Act).





Muslim Women Illegally Divorced Through Triple Talaq Can Seek Maintenance Under Section 125 CrPC : Supreme Court LIVELAW NEWS NETWORK 10 July 2024 7:23 PM Listen to this Article The Supreme Court has held that a Muslim woman, who has been illegally divorced by the pronouncement of triple talaq, is entitled to seek maintenance from her husband as per Section 125 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. This right is in addition to the remedy provided under the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on M



Supreme Court verdict on maintenance to divorced Muslim women ended threat to Constitution: BJP


 In what is popularly known as the Shah Bano case, the Supreme Court in 1985 had allowed her plea for alimony from her husband after she was .divorced. However, the then Congress government passed a law in Parliament to overrule the verdict following protests from conservative Muslim groups.


BJP spokesperson and Rajya Sabha MP Sudhanshu Trivedi.Credit: 

New Delhi: The BJP on Wednesday lauded the Supreme Court verdict, which averred that a divorced Muslim woman is entitled to seek maintenance from her husband, saying the...judgment has finished off a threat posed to the Constitution by the decision of a past Congress government.


BJP spokesperson and Rajya Sabha MP Sudhanshu Trivedi said the Rajiv Gandhi government's decision to enact a law to overrule an apex court judgment granting alimony to divorced Muslim women was one of the biggest threats to the Constitution as it gave primacy to Sharia, Islamic laws


"Whenever the Congress has been in power, the Constitution was under threat. It (Rajiv Gandhi government's) was a decision which gave primacy to Sharia over the Constitution. The prestige of the Constitution which was crushed during the Congress government has been restored by this order. The verdict has ended one of the big threats posed to the Constitution," he told a press conference while replying to a question.


In what is popularly known as the Shah Bano case, the Supreme Court in 1985 had allowed her plea for alimony from her husband after she was divorced. However, the then Congress government passed a law in Parliament to overrule the verdict following protests from conservative Muslim groups.



The Supreme Court has now granted a big relief to Muslim women, Trivedi said, adding that it should be seen beyond a matter of religion as it is an issue of equal rights.