Monday, 11 February 2019

Hindavi Swarajya

Hindavi Swarajya
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Hindavi Swarajya (हिन्दवी स्वराज्य; IPA: Hindavī Svarājya) ("self-rule of Hindu/Indian people", meaning independence from foreign rule[1][2][3]) is a term for socio-political movements seeking to remove foreign military and political influences from India.[4] The term was first used in a 1645 CE letter by Shivaji,[3] founder of the Maratha Empire when fighting back Mughal rule.[citation needed] The term Swarajya was later adopted by Bal Gangadhar Tilak, one of the early leaders of the Indian independence movement against the British Empire.[5]

Contents
1 Origin
2 Interpretation
3 References
4 Bibliography
Origin
Early modern Maratha warrior Shivaji is believed to have used the phrase Hindavi Swarajya in a letter to Dadaji Naras Prabhu Deshpande of Rohidkhore on 17 April 1645. The letter, in Marathi, states:

It is God Rohireshvar that has given us victory; and that God would enable us to fulfil our wish of Hindavi Swarajya. It is God's will that this kingdom should be established.[6]

Scholars do not agree on the authenticitiy of the letter.[7][8] Historian Setumadhavarao Pagadi states that a lot of the historical source material on Shivaji is spurious, contributed by various influential families of Maharashtra to show how close their ancestors were to Shivaji.[9] J. V. Naik states that, irrespective of the authenticity of the letter, Shivaji's career itself amply demonstrates his conception of Swarajya.[10]

Interpretation
Scholar Wilfred Cantwell Smith interprets Shivaji's Hindavi Swarajya to mean "Indian independence from foreign rule".[1] Marathi historian Setumadhavrao Pagadi also interpets it as "Indian rule".[11] Religious studies scholar William Jackson, while agreeing that it means independence from foreign rule, thinks its literal meaning is "self-rule of Hindu people".[12]

The term Hindavi (or Hindawi, as also Hindui and Hindi) has been in use since the 14th century with the meaning of "Indian". Poet Amir Khusro listed various "Hindavi languages" in use in his time.[13][14] These were distinguished from Farsi (Persian), the court language in most Muslim states.[15] Historian Irfan Habib states that, as the term "Hindu" had acquired a religious sense by this time, other terms such as Hindi, Hindustani and Hindavi began to be employed to mean "Indian", spanning both Hindus and Muslims.[16] According to Pagadi, Hindavi had the sense of "the sons of the soil" in this context.[17]

Swarajya (IAST: svarājya) is a Sanskrit term, whose meaning is "independent dominion or sovereignty" according to the Monier Williams dictionary.[18] Pagadi notes that Shivaji had referred to his jagir in Pune as a rajya.[19] He takes Swarajya to have meant a "homeland",[20] and Hindavi Swarajya a "state of the sons of the soil".[17]


References
 Smith, On Understanding Islam 1981, pp. 194–195.
 Pagadi, Shivaji 1983, p. 98: "Shivaji's coronation and setting himself up as a sovereign prince symbolises the rise of the Indian people in all parts of the country. It was a bid for Hindawi Swarajya (Indian rule), a term in use in Marathi sources of history."
 Jackson, William Joseph (2005). Vijayanagara voices: exploring South Indian history and Hindu literature. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 38. ISBN 9780754639503.
 http://balsanskar.com/english/lekh/499.html
 http://www.rediff.com/news/column/the-futile-row-over-renaming-shivaji-park/20121211.htm
 Naik, The Foundation of Swarajya 1975, p. 50.
 Naik, The Foundation of Swarajya 1975, p. 50-51.
 Pagadi, The Life and Times of Shivaji 1975, p. 10: "The authenticity of this letter has, however, been questioned by several eminent scholars, who consider that its language is not the language of the 17th century."
 Pagadi, The Life and Times of Shivaji 1975, p. 10.
 Naik, The Foundation of Swarajya 1975, p. 51.
 Pagadi, Shivaji 1983, p. 98: "Shivaji's coronation and setting himself up as a sovereign prince symbolises the rise of the Indian people in all parts of the country. It was a bid for Hindawi Swarajya (Indian rule), a term in use in Marathi sources of history."
 Jackson, Vijayanagara Voices 2016, p. 38, note 11.
 Romesh Thapar, ed. (1999), Seminar, Issues 473–484, R. Thapur, p. 879: "The last [Hindawi] was the name given to Indian languages; Amir Khusro talks of Sindhi Hindawi, Gujarati Hindawi as also Ma'abari Hindawi by which he meant the languages of the South. Amir Khusro wrote in Northern or Dille Hindawi besides Persian."
 Ali, The Evolution of the Perception of India 1996: "He [Khusrau] goes on to associate India with certain languages that had currency in it [India].... there were the regional languages (Hindawi's), of which Khusrau lists 12 (including Tamil, Kannada) and, finally, Sanskrit, the language of the learned Brahmans. He takes special pride in this wealth of languages."
 Amin, Shahid (2016), Conquest and Community: The Afterlife of Warrior Saint Ghazi Miyan, University of Chicago Press, p. 183, ISBN 978-0-226-37260-0
 Habib, The Formation of India 1997, p. 7.
 Pagadi, Shivaji 1983, p. i.
 Monier Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary (2008 revision), entry for "svarAjya".
 Pagadi, The Life and Times of Shivaji 1975, pp. 10–11.
 Pagadi, Shivaji 1983, p. 89.
Bibliography
Ali, M. Athar (January 1996), "The Evolution of the Perception of India: Akbar and Abu'l Fazl", Social Scientist, 24 (1/3): 80–88, JSTOR 3520120
Habib, Irfan (July 1997), "The Formation of India: Notes on the History of an Idea", Social Scientist, 25 (7/8): 3–10, JSTOR 3517600
Naik, J. V. (1975), "The Foundation of Swarajya", Shivaji and swarajya, Orient Longman, for Indian Institute of Public Administration. Maharashtra Regional Branch, pp. 43–57
Pagadi, Setumadhava Rao (1983). Shivaji. National Book Trust, India.
Pagadi, Setu Madhava Rao (1975), "The Life and Times of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj", Shivaji and swarajya, Orient Longman, for Indian Institute of Public Administration. Maharashtra Regional Branch, pp. 1–42
Smith, Wilfred C. (1981), On Understanding Islam: Selected Studies, Walter de Gruyter, ISBN 978-3-11-082580-0


Wednesday, 6 February 2019

కాంగ్రెస్‌, బీజేపీవి హిందూత్వ రాజకీయాలు

హోం జాతీయం
కాంగ్రెస్‌, బీజేపీవి హిందూత్వ రాజకీయాలు
07-02-2019 02:56:57

కాంగ్రెస్‌, బీజేపీలు రెండూ హిందూత్వ రాజకీయాలను అవలంబిస్తున్నాయి. ఉత్తరప్రదేశ్‌లో యోగి ప్రభుత్వం ముజఫర్‌నగర్‌ అల్లర్లలో నిందితులపై ఉన్న కేసులను కొట్టివేసింది. మధ్యప్రదేశ్‌లో కాంగ్రెస్‌ ప్రభుత్వం ముగ్గురు గోవధ నిందితులపై జాతీయ భద్రతా చట్టాన్ని ప్రయోగించాలని చూస్తోంది.
- మెహబూబా ముఫ్తీ, పీడీపీ అధ్యక్షురాలు

Tuesday, 5 February 2019

National Security Act Against 3 Cow Slaughter Accused In Madhya Pradesh

National Security Act Against 3 Cow Slaughter Accused In Madhya Pradesh
বাংলায় পড়ুন
The police said that Khandwa is a communally sensitive area, hence the accused have been charged under the NSA
All India | Written by Anurag Dwary | Updated: February 05, 2019 22:15 IST
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National Security Act Against 3 Cow Slaughter Accused In Madhya Pradesh
Brothers Nadeem and Shakeel are butchers.


KHANDWA, MADHYA PRADESH: Three persons have been arrested for cow slaughter in Madhya Pradesh and charged under the National Security Act or NSA, a tough law used to detain suspects who threaten the country's security. This is the first incident after Congress government came to power in the state in which the police have charged the accused in cow slaughter under the NSA.
The police had got information on Friday that a cow was slaughtered near Moghat in Khandwa.

"When our team reached the spot around 1.30 am, we found the cow carcass, but the accused managed to escape. Two of them, Nadeem and Shakeel, were arrested the same day, while the third accused, Azam, was taken into custody on Monday," Khandwa Superintendent of Police Siddharth Bahuguna said.

Mr Bahugana said Khandwa is a communally sensitive area, hence the accused have been charged under the NSA. The accused have also been booked under relevant sections of the Prohibition of Cow Slaughter Act.

While Nadeem and Shakeel are brothers, Azam is a resident of Kharkhali village. Nadeem and Shakeel are butchers, Azam is a farmer who also does odd jobs.

Nadeem is a repeat offender and has a record of involvement in cow slaughter, the officer added. A case was filed against him in 2017 but he got bail the next year.

14 COMMENTS
The National Security Act empowers the government to detain people for up to a year if they suspect that they could disrupt public order, endanger the security of India or its ties with foreign countries.

under Congress, three held under NSA for cow slaughter


In MP, this time under Congress, three held under NSA for cow slaughter
The police booked the accused, Nadeem, Shakeel and Azam, under the MP Prohibition of Cow Slaughter Act but later invoked the NSA, which allows preventive detention for a longer period.
Written by Milind Ghatwai | Bhopal |
Updated: February 6, 2019 6:34:55 am


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Chief Minister Kamal Nath announced that 1,000 government-run cow shelters will be set up in the state within four months.
ECHOING WHAT its predecessor — the BJP government — did over the last 15 years, the new Congress regime in Madhya Pradesh has invoked the stringent National Security Act (NSA) against three persons arrested on charges of cow slaughter in the communally sensitive Khandwa town.


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The police booked the accused, Nadeem, Shakeel and Azam, under the MP Prohibition of Cow Slaughter Act but later invoked the NSA, which allows preventive detention for a longer period. Khandwa SP Siddharth Bahuguna confirmed the move to The Indian Express.
Between 2007 and 2016, the BJP government under Shivraj Singh Chouhan had invoked the NSA on cow-slaughter charges against at least 22 persons, including an office-bearer of the party’s minority cell.

According to local police in Moghat, Nadeem and Shakeel were arrested in Kharkali village following a tip-off early Friday while Azam was nabbed Monday following a threat of protests from the Bajrang Dal. The carcass of a cow was recovered from the spot, said Moghat police station in-charge Mohan Singore.

“On Friday, Azam managed to escape from the spot. There was a possibility of communal tension because the Bajrang Dal threatened to take to the streets if he was also not arrested. The arrest brought the situation under control,” said Singore. “Nadeem had been booked earlier, too, under the same charge. Our informers told us the accused used to transport meat in containers used for carrying milk,” he claimed.

Ahead of the assembly elections in October, the Congress and BJP had traded charges over the depleting number of cows and proliferation of slaughter houses in the state. In its manifesto, the Congress had promised more measures to protect cows — from building shelters in every panchayat to starting commercial production of urine and dung.


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Last week, Chief Minister Kamal Nath announced that 1,000 government-run cow shelters will be set up in the state within four months. Advertisements were also issued, inviting people to run such shelters on government land. Animal Husbandry Minister Lakhan Singh Yadav said the government is also considering the introduction of a cess on purchase of luxury cars and other similar measures to raise funds for cow welfare.

James Laine's book does not denigrate Shivaji

James Laine's book does not denigrate Shivaji
dna

   
WRITTEN BY  Amberish K Diwanji

Jul 19, 2010, 09:49 PM IST
The brouhaha over James Laine's book by various politicians and Maratha outfits would have been funny were it not so sad actually.

All of them are objecting to one particular line in what is otherwise a very fine book and one that should be read by all those who revere the memory of Shivaji. Most of all, it should be read by the very same Maratha groups who claim the book insults Shivaji.

The book does no such thing. James Laine is not a historian. He is a professor of religious studies. His book: 'Shivaji - Hindu king in Islamic India' is not a book on Shivaji life but on how Shivaji's legacy has been appropriated by various castes and communities to further their own ends. In that, it is a scholarly attempt that looks at how Shivaji is portrayed in the various history books.

Thus, as Laine points outs, Dalits see him as the champion of the outcastes because he was one king who employed their services in his fight against his enemies; Hindutva historians see him merely as a Hindu king ranged against Muslims, seeking to establish a Hindu swarajya; Marathas see him only as their foremost leader who fought Muslim rulers on one side and Brahmin bigotry on the other side; while Brahmins have written about Shivaji as a king who achieved greatness because he was guided by Brahmin sant and advisors.

Laine brilliantly elucidates that if one were to only read Shivaji's history as written by the Brahmins' (excluding the Saraswat Brahmins, who were badly treated by the other Brahmins), Shivaji achieves greatness only because his Brahmin advisors guided him. Thus, such historians overplay the role of Sant Ramdas as one who literally showed Shivaji every step of the way. In fact, a popular image of shivaji that can be seen in any shop in Maharashtra is Shivaj sitting besides Sant Ramdas, who is pointing his hand in one direction, thus conveying the image of a Shivaji who was simply led by Ramdas. Thus, Brahmin historians tend to gloss over how Shivaji had to undergo purification rites before being crowned chhatrapati to overcome the objections of Brahmins in the 17th century.

But if the history is written by non-Brahmin (including Saraswats), Shivaji is shown as an independent-minded person who took his own decisions. And of course, they do mention about Shivaji's humiliation at the hands of Brahmins before his coronation.

Nowhere in the book is Laine derogatory about Shivaji or the Marathas; if anything, it was laudable that an American professor based in the US should spend so much time and energy on writing about a man who founded the Maratha nation and is hailed by virtually all Maharashtrians, regardless of their caste, and who foreign scholars find so interesting to study. He deserves accolades, not brickbats.

Instead, we have a bunch of politicians who are seeking to further their own foundering careers by attacking him for merely writing, and as he mentioned it, what Brahmins joke about. If anyone must be blamed for that, it is the Maharashtrian Brahmins who crack such jokes amongst themselves (and one presumes when out of hearing range of the Sambhaji Brigade and the Thackerays).

But what we have is the ridiculous spectacle of political groups and outfits attacking the messenger, James Laine, for merely stating what he has heard. Of course, it is far easier to shoot the messenger, and particularly if, as is the case of James Laine, he is a foreigner, rather than actually find the persons who crack such jokes. It does not show their power but the utter lack of it. The real tragedy is these people think they are the successors of Shivaji. That, too, would have been funny were it not so sad.

Another Shivaji Controversy - by Ram Puniyani |


Another Shivaji Controversy -  by Ram Puniyani |
He needs to be rescued from communal and sectarian interpretations.
Written by Ram Puniyani |
Published: August 20, 2015 12:24:17 am
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Babasaheb Purandare is the author of a series of works on Shivaji.
Some concerned citizens have reportedly filed a public interest litigation to stop the highest award of the Maharashtra government, the Maharashtra Bhushan, from going to Babasaheb Purandare. Purandare is known for his works Raja Shiva-Chatrapati and Jaanata Raja (all-knowing king). This is not the first time that there has been such a controversy around Purandare. A few years ago, the Maharashtra government had appointed him as the chairman of the committee that was to plan the building of a statue of Shivaji in the Arabian Sea. The Maratha Mahasangh objected to this appointment on the ground that Shivaji was a Maratha, while Purandare is a Brahmin.


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Purandare’s interpretation of Shivaji presents him as one who was devoted to Brahmins and cows (go brahman pritpalak) and one who was against Muslims. This interpretation of Shivaji has been the version most often used by sectarian political groups, as this presents him as the upholder of the supremacy of upper castes on the one hand and, at the same time, looks down upon Muslim kings.

Maharashtra has seen many controversies related to Shivaji. There was an attack on the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (Bori), Pune, a few years ago. The issue at that time was that this institute had helped Western author James Laine in the writing of his book, Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India. In the book, Laine had cast aspersions on the character of Shivaji’s mother by mentioning the rumours around her at that time. Maratha-Brahmin politics was at the root of this incident — Bori is regarded as being a Brahminical institute.

In yet another controversy, just before the 2009 assembly elections, a poster of Shivaji killing Afzal Khan with a knife became the provocation for communal violence in the Dhule-Sangli area, during which one person was killed and a tense atmosphere was created. The poster appeared to suggest that Shivaji was the representative of all Hindus while Afzal Khan was standing in for all Muslims. This is fertile ground for hatred to develop, and the consequent violence polarised the communities, which led to the victory of the communal forces
in the election.

One recalls another controversy around Shivaji. That was when human rights activist Teesta Setalvad had prepared a handbook of history for school teachers, in which she narrated the incident of Maharashtra Brahmins refusing to coronate Shivaji as he was a Shudra. A priest from Kashi, Gaga Bhatt, had to be invited. He did coronate him, but with the little toe of the left foot, as that is the organ which, according
to Brahminical norms, is lowest in the body hierarchy.

Local Shiv Sainiks objected to this handbook on the ground that Shivaji was not a Shudra, and no one should dare claim him as such. History has its own truth but emotions operate on a different wavelength. What is true is that Shivaji was a king who reduced the burden of taxation on poor peasants. That is what made him popular among the masses. Also, the legend of Shivaji asking his army to return the Muslim daughter-in-law of Kalyan’s nawab evokes deep respect for him among the people of Maharashtra. The memory of his policies
towards the rayyat (cultivating farmers) also makes him a revered figure in Maharashtra.

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Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the first to recall Shivaji’s role in history by organising a Shivaji festival. Tilak presented him as a protector of Brahmins and cows. Since then, Shivaji has staged a comeback in the social memory, but acquired an upper-caste orientation. The later popularisation of Shivaji was done by communal forces that centred the narrative on Shivaji’s battles with Aurangzeb and Afzal Khan. These battles with two Muslim kings are highlighted, while Shivaji’s battles with Hindu kings are underplayed or omitted. While his battle with Aurangzeb was for power, the official who came from Aurangzeb’s side was Raja Jai Singh, a major figure in Aurangzeb’s administration. In the case of Afzal Khan, it was Shivaji’s bodyguard — his rustam e zaman — who advised him to carry iron claws. For Afzal Khan, Krishnaji Bhaskar Kulkarni served as his secretary. But these battles for power have now been given religious colour.

Today, Shivaji is being used to sharpen communal (Hindu-Muslim) divides and also to drive a wedge between Brahmins and Marathas. The rational understanding of Shivaji has been excellently presented by the late Govind Pansare in his popular book, Shivaji Kon Hota? (Who was Shivaji?). Panasre’s YouTube video, “Janatecha Raja Shivaji” is also brilliant. The shadow boxing around Shivaji is, in a way, a reflection of underlying communal politics and caste struggle. The real Shivaji needs to be understood so we can undermine these sectarian tendencies.


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The writer, formerly with IIT-Mumbai, is associated with various human rights groups.

James Laine’s Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India and the attack on the Bhandarkar

James Laine’s Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India 
and the attack on the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 
Background - Chronology - Reactions


Introduction
A guide to what's at issue
Chronology
Reactions

     For more information, please also see in this issue of the crQ:
James Laine’s Controversial Book by Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan and Amodini Bagwe
Attacking Myths and Institutions: James Laine’s Shivaji and BORI
- the Editors, the complete review


Introduction

       On 5 January 2004 a group calling itself the Sambhaji Brigade attacked the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) in Pune, in the state of Maharashtra, India. There was considerable damage done to the holdings of this significant cultural repository, including to irreplaceable and unique objects of historical and literary importance. While not on the same scale, it was a catastrophe comparable to the recent destruction and looting of libraries in Sarajevo and Iraq, or the destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas in Afghanistan, a devastating blow to contemporary civilization and to the preservation of what remains of previous ones. 
       The attack was the preliminary culmination in a series of increasingly disturbing and destructive events that were triggered by the publication of James W. Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India (Oxford University Press, 2003). Laine's book sparked controversy in India, leading Oxford University Press India to withdraw it from the local market in November 2003. This did not sufficiently appease those upset by the book. American professor Laine had done some of the research for his book at BORI, and he thanked the institute and some scholars affiliated with it in his acknowledgements; the institute and its members were then targeted by those angered by the book. In December 2003 one of those thanked by Laine, historian Shrikant Bahulkar, was assaulted, his face blackened by Shiv Sena activists. Then, in January, came the attack on the institute itself. 
       While the attack was widely condemned, and over 70 of the participants were arrested, Laine and his undertaking continue to be denounced. Shivaji has now been banned, and Laine has been charged by the authorities and appears to be subject to arrest if he returns to India. Laine and his book -- and BORI -- continue to be used in what appears to be an increasingly politicised debate. 

       These events are particularly disturbing because, unlike most other recent incidents of large-scale cultural vandalism, they occurred in a country at peace, and in a democracy -- a system that depends on a tolerance for a plurality of opinions and on free expression to properly function. Also striking -- and worrisome -- is that the conflict has been framed as one centred around questions of historical (in)accuracy and and (ir)responsibile scholarship, but there has been little interest from many of those challenging Laine's book to debate these questions, as they have answered them with mob-rule and violence instead of counter-argument. 
       There has been much discussion about these events in India, but, despite the supranational issues at stake, as well as the roles played by an American professor and the world's largest -- and one of the most respected -- university presses, international press coverage has been very limited. The conflict is a complex one, and it is both politically and religiously highly charged, centred around an historical figure -- Shivaji -- who is not well known outside India. 
       In this introductory overview we try to present the necessary background information to allow some understanding of the events that have taken place. Other pieces in this edition of the complete review Quarterly devoted to the subject are Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan and Amodini Bagwe 's essay on James Laine’s Controversial Book and our commentary, Attacking Myths and Institutions: James Laine’s Shivaji and BORI 

- Return to top of the page -


A guide to what's at issue

       Shivaji 
       Chhattrapati Shivaji Maharaj (also known simply as Shivaji or Sivaji) lived 1627/1630 to 1680. A Maratha leader, he was fiercely opposed to the Mughals that at that time controlled much of what is now India, and was instrumental in establishing Marathi independence. Crowned the first Maratha king in 1674, he is a founding-father figure who is still highly revered in India, especially in the state of Maharashtra (major cities: Mumbai (Bombay) and Pune); see, for example the official Maharashtra state site, where a page is devoted to Shivaji: the Maker of the Maratha Nation 
       Shivaji is also perceived as a specifically Hindu hero, having established a Hindu empire in opposition to the Mughals (who were Muslim, and foreign). While widely revered in India, Hindu-nationalist groups have been particularly vociferous in allowing no criticism of the man, his accomplishments, and the legends around him. 
       His name, of great symbolic value, is often invoked, especially in recent years as a Hindu-focussed nationalism (and political polarization) in India has been resurgent. So, for example, Mumbai (formerly Bombay) airport has apparently been re-named: Chhatrapati Shivaji International Airport. 

       For additional information, see:
Chhatrapati Shivaji - The Legend
Shivaji at Wikipedia
Shivaji at Freeindia.org
The Complexities of Shivaji by Vijay Prashad, at Proxsa (also at HVK.org, where -- scroll down -- there is a response from Bhalchandrarao C. Patwardhan)


       James W. Laine 
       James W. Laine is the Arnold H. Lowe Professor and Chair of Religious Studies at Macalester College; see his faculty page. He got his B.A. from Texas Tech, and his M.T.S. and Th.D. from Harvard. 


       James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India 
       James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India was published by Oxford University Press; see the complete review's review. It apparently appeared in the US and the UK in early 2003, and was then published in India in the summer of 2003. 
       In describing the book Oxford University Press writes:
The legends of his life have become an epic story that everyone in western India knows, and an important part of the Hindu nationalists' ideology. To read Shivaji's legend today is to find expression of deeply held convictions about what Hinduism means and how it is opposed to Islam.
       They also suggest:
Different sub-groups, representing a range of religious persuasions, found it in their advantage to accentuate or diminish the importance of Hindu and Muslim identity and the ideologies that supported the construction of such identities. By studying the evolution of the Shivaji legend, Laine demonstrates, we can trace the development of such constructions in both pre-British and post-colonial periods.
       It appears that Laine's focus on a shifting legend -- rather a fixed-in-stone image of the man some groups insist upon -- and the notion that the legend has been adapted for other purposes is among the aspects of the book that has proved most controversial. (Ironically, reactions by some groups that tolerate only their current notion of the legend would appear to support at least Laine's underlying thesis.) 

       The statement in the book that appears to have provoked the greatest outrage is the mention that it has been suggested that Shivaji's father was not Shahaji, Laine writing: "Maharashtrians tell jokes naughtily that Shivaji’s biological father was Dadoji Kondeo Kulkarni" (quoted, for example, in The Telegraph, 18 January). This statement -- indeed, even the mere suggestion -- is apparently considered an outrageous insult and defamation of Shivaji, Shahaji, and Shivaji's mother, Jijabai (all highly revered). The claim is also widely considered unfounded and gratuitous; apparently this particular 'naughty joke' is not familiar to most Maharashtrians (or at least none appear to have come forward acknowledging that they've heard this sort of banter). 

       In his acknowledgements Laine thanked numerous people, writing also:
In India, my scholarly home has been the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune, and there I profited from the advice and assistance of the senior librarian, V. L. Manjul. I read texts and learned informally a great deal about Marathi literature and Maharashtrian culture from S. S. Bahulkar, Sucheta Paranjpe, Y. B. Damle, Rekha Damle, Bhaskar Chandavarkar, and Meena Chandavarkar. Thanks to the American Institute of Indian Studies and Madhav Bhandare, I was able to spend three productive periods of research in Pune.
       Laine's thanks were apparently interpreted as a declaration of scholarly complicity, and those named were among those targeted by the groups opposed to Laine's work -- despite the fact that several scholars attached to BORI distanced themselves from the book and were among those demanding that OUP India withdraw the book. 

       Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India has not been widely reviewed (in part likely because it is a scholarly work of the sort generally mainly reviewed in academic journals, many of which take longer to review titles than the mass media does). Among the few reviews is V.N. Datta's in The Sunday Tribune (7 December), An image that might be disturbing 

       For additional information see:
The OUP-USA publicity page ((Updated - 29 March): The book is no longer listed in the OUP-USA catalogue)
The OUP publicity page ((Updated - 29 March): The book is barely listed in the OUP catalogue)
A sample chapter
V.N. Datta's review, An image that might be disturbing (The Sunday Tribune, 7 December)
Danny Yee's review at Danny Yee's Book Reviews 

To purchase Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India
from Amazon.com
from Amazon.co.uk


       Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 
       The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute is located in Pune. It was founded in 1917 and is a leading repository of Indological manuscripts and a renowned centre for scholarship. 
       For additional information see:
BORI at virtualpune.com
A learning house with a world-wide appeal, at the Times of India


       Sambhaji Brigade 
       A small, previously little known group affiliated with the Hindu-nationalist organisation, Maratha Seva Sangh 

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Chronology

       (Based on Ketaki Ghoge's chronology in his article, Rape of culture leaves city in shock (Indian Express, 5 January), and other mentioned sources. See also Anupama Katakam's article, Politics of vandalism in Frontline (issue of 17-30 January) for a good overview (and pictures).) 
June, 2003: James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India published in India by Oxford University Press India. 

November, 2003: Scholars affiliated with the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI), historians (including Jaysinhrao Pawar, Babasaheb Purandare, Ninad Bedekar, and Gajanan Mehendale), and others (including city MP Pradeep Rawat) called for the withdrawal of the book. (See Scholar destroys own work on Shivaji, Manjiri Damle, Times of India, 27 December) 

21 November 2003: Oxford University Press India apologised and withdrew the book from the Indian market. (The book continued to be listed in the OUP India catalogue until mid-January, but has since been removed. The book remains in print and available outside India.) 

22 December 2003: Shiv Sena activists confronted and attacked scholars attached to BORI over their role in assisting Laine with his book. Sanskrit scholar Shrikant Bahulkar was physically assaulted and his face blackened (an act meant to shame him). (See Scholar destroys own work on Shivaji) 

25 December 2003: Gajanan Mehendale, who had previously called for the withdrawal of Laine's book, went to the Shiv Sena offices to demand an apology for the assault on Bahulkar. When none was forthcoming he destroyed several hundred manuscript pages of his own unpublished biographical study of Shivaji. (See Scholar destroys own work on Shivaji) 

28 December 2003: Shiv Sena leader Raj Thackeray personally apologised to Bahulkar. The Times of India reported (29 December) that:
Raj assured Bahulkar that such incidents would not be repeated and that Sena activists would have to get a "clearance" from the toprung leaders before embarking on such "aggressive campaigns" in the future.

late December, 2003: James Laine faxed a statement apologising to some Pune scholars. The Times of India reported Laine says sorry for hurting sentiments (30 December), quoting:
"It was never my intention to defame the great Maharashtrian hero. I had no desire to upset those for whom he is an emblem of regional and national pride, and I apologise for inadvertently doing so," he said in a faxed message to some city scholars. "I foolishly misread the situation in India and figured the book would receive scholarly criticism, not censorship and condemnation. Again I apologise," the American author said.

5 January, 2004: Over 150 activists from the Sambhaji Brigade attacked BORI, ransacking the building, defacing books and artworks, and destroying property. The extent of the damage is not clear at this time -- especially regarding the irreplaceable manuscripts and historical artefacts -- but appears to be considerable . Seventy-two of the hooligans were arrested. (See also: 'Maratha' activists vandalise Bhandarkar (Times of India), Helping Laine: Books, powada, poem (Express News Service), and Mob ransacks Pune's Bhandarkar Institute (Rupa Chapalgaonkar, Mid-Day)) 

6 January: Mid-Day published Pune institute's desecration shocks author, in which Laine comments on events and explains, inter alia:
My goal was not to establish my version of the true history of Shivaji, but to examine the forces that shaped the commonly held views. In so doing, I suggest that there might be other ways of reading the historical evidence, but in making such a suggestion, I have elicited a storm of criticism. I am astonished.

7 January: In the Indian Express Shailesh Gaikwad reports MSS chief’s clout keeps govt away. Illustrating the government's disturbing priorities (and a continued interest in appeasing populist elements) State Home Minister R.R. Patil is quoted as saying:
We condemn the attack and also distorting of the history of Chhatrapati Shivaji. The government is seeking legal opinion to ascertain if any action can be taken against the author and also whether the book can be banned.

9 January: At a press conference Sambhaji Brigade spokesman Shrimant Kokate is reported (in the Times of India) to have expressed pleasantries such as:
"In fact, scholars should be happy that Bori is still intact," he remarked. Kokate said that the brigade was "most unhappy" that scholars who had helped Laine were "still alive" and demanded that they face an inquiry or be handed over to the Brigade. Kokate expressed his displeasure about the fact that the media had labelled them as goons. "We will deal with the media later," he threatened.
In another report (Express News Service) he is quoted as saying:
Those who fed him [Laine] with the offensive information should be hanged by the government. If the government is unable to do so they should be handed over to us.
Kokate was apparently not arrested for these inflammatory remarks. Instead: 

9 January: Charges were filed against James Laine and OUP India by the Deccan Gymkhana police. The charges are registered under Sections 153 and 153(A) of the Indian Penal Code. (As A.G. Noorani notes in Chhatrapati or bust (Hindustan Times, 27 January), Section 153A has frequently -- but selectively -- been invoked over the past decade and more, writing: "Section 153A is not invoked to suppress the VHP or the Shiv Sena’s hate campaign but to suppress scholarly books unacceptable to them.".) These sections read:
153. Wantonly giving provocation with intent to cause riot (...) 
153A. Promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony
(See also Case against Laine, OUP (Express News Service) and Pune police book American writer Laine (Times of India)) 

12 January: James Laine published a commentary piece, In India, 'the Unthinkable' Is Printed at One's Peril in The Los Angeles Times; it is, unfortunately, not freely accessible on the Internet. In it he describes his interest in Shivaji, his book, early reactions to it, and then the events that unfolded. He relates how, initially, the book "even ranked up with Hillary Rodham Clinton's in the local list of English-language bestsellers in Pune", and mentions:
Back in Pune this summer, I saw a couple of bland but positive reviews in the Indian papers. I thought, "As long as they don't get to the last chapter."
He concludes the piece:
The vast majority of Indians are appalled at what happened in Pune. And yet no one has stepped forward to defend my book and no one has called for it to be distributed again. Few will read it for themselves. Instead, many will live with the knowledge that India is a country where many thoughts are unthinkable or, if thought, best kept quiet.

13 January: Mid-Day reports -- in an article with a very understated headline -- OUP asked to shut Pune office. As the article explains:
Maratha organsisations supporting Sambhaji Brigade have now forced the Oxford University Press showroom in Pune to down shutters. (...) They told the employees there that (...) they should down their shutters or else face consequences.
No arrests were reported. 

14 January: Despite the fact that OUP had already withdrawn Laine's book from the Indian market two months earlier, the Maharashtra government moved -- eventually successfully -- to have Laine's book banned, again citing Sections 153 and 153A of the Indian Penal Code. (See reports from the Times of India (14 January) and Reuters (16 January).) 

16 January: Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee admirably spoke out against the book-ban. The Times of India reported PM shoots from the hip, upsets Shiv Sena, NCP, and quotes the Prime Minister as sensibly stating:
He said the "right way" to express disagreement was through discussion. "Countering the views in a particular book by another good book is understandable," Mr Vajpayee said, adding that he did not approve of the ban on Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India by American writer James Laine.
The Express New Service report, PM flags off Mumbai campaign, opposes ban on Shivaji book, had it a bit differently, quoting the PM as saying:
"If you do not like anything in a particular book, then sit and discuss it. Banning a book is not a solution, we have to tackle it ideologically ... If differences of opinion remain after a issue is discussed, the best way would be to come out with another good book on the subject"
As the Times of India report also notes: "Ironically, the PM made this observation at a function to unveil a majestic statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji in the Sahar airport precincts." 

Vajpayee's comments were immediately denounced, including by groups allied with the PM's party. Indifferent to principles, at least one person shifted the focus to what is really at issue:
"He should have kept mum, especially since elections are round the corner," a senior Sena leader present at the function told TNN.
(See also PM not happy with ban on book on Shivaji in Mid-Day) 

       (Updated - 29 March): Unfortunately, once election time rolled around, Vajpayee began singing a different tune; see entry of 20 March. 

January 18: Politicians continued to seek to outdo one another in their defence of Shivaji. Express News Service reports Antulay calls for legal action against Laine (17 January), as senior Congress leader A.R.Antulay attacked Laine, "urging the government to take all necessary legal steps to punish him." He is also quoted as saying:
"How can a dialogue be held if somebody is abusing your father and mother ?" Antulay asked. (...) He said Shivaji was the pride of India and Indians should not tolerate any humiliation of their heroes.
Meanwhile, The Hindu reported (18 January) that Chief Minister Sushilkumar Shinde: "said it was 'not fair' to write such 'bad things' about Shivaji." 

19 January: The Times of India reported (20 January) that MSS threatens more attacks on BORI: apparently the Maratha Sewa Sangh warned that: "the ‘Sambhaji Brigade’, would resort to more attacks if students were made to collect money for rebuilding Bori." Despite such threats, no arrests were reported. 

21 January: The Times of India reported that Maratha group flays Sambhaji brigade, describing a newly-formed group, Maratha Yuvak Parishad (MYP), opposed to the use of Shivaji by activists "to further their own political ends". 

22 January: The Times of India reported that Maratha outfit files petititon against BORI. Maratha Vikas Sangh has apparently set its sights even higher, having:
filed a petition in the Bombay high court demanding that all documents at BORI be seized by the union government. Refusing the let the James Laine controversy die down, MVS has also demanded censorship on all books that would be written on historical figures.
(This demand for a quasi-Soviet approach to ensure that the historical record is kept ... straight apparently has not been widely embraced; nevertheless, despite suggesting such a thing, the MVS is, amazingly, still taken seriously.) 

28 January: The Times of India reports 'Silent’ majority lodges protest at BORI:
On Republic Day, inspired by a chain e-mail circulated over the last two weeks, citizens made a beeline for the institute to register a silent protest against the vandalism. This, despite a police warning against gathering at the institute on R-Day. Every protestor dropped a rupee coin in specially placed urns, as a token contribution towards the restoration of the institute.

March: Oxford University Press apparently withdraws all references to Laine's book from all its online catalogues (previously information had been available both at OUP-USA and the main OUP site). It is unclear whether this is a move to remove the book from the market entirely (including the US and the UK), or merely a defensive legal maneuver (to preclude any liability claims). 

16 March: Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani bravely maintained: "that he was against banning any controversial publication". (See Advani against banning controversial books (The Hindu, 16 March) and Advani against ban on Laine's book on Shivaji (at NDTV).) This, of course, led to: 

17 March: The Times of India reported of the Uproar in house as DF defends ‘Shivaji’ ban:
Proceedings in both houses of the state legislature were stalled for over two hours on Wednesday after the opposition Shiv Sena-BJP members objected to the ruling coalition members’ suggestion that Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Deputy Prime Minister K Advani should apologise for disapproving of the state’s ban on the controversial book Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India, penned by American scholar James Laine.

20 March: The pressure -- and election politics -- finally got to Prime Minister Vajpayee as he kicked off the BJP election campaign in Maharahstra, as he suddenly decided the government ban on Laine's book was a pretty darn good idea after all. Not only that: he also felt it necessary to assure his listeners: "We are prepared to take action against the foreign author", and that this was "a warning to all foreign authors that they do not play with our national pride". 

See reports in Mid-Day (Shivaji is my ideal, says Vajpayee) and Newindpress.com (Vajpayee kickstarts campaign with warning to foreign authors). 

late March: Seeing how well the fervent pro-Shivaji attitude played to the crowds, and seeking to outdo all those who were satisfied with merely bashing James Laine, state BJP president Gopinath Munde decided he could profit by going after bigger fish closer to home and:
demanded a ban on Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s classic Discovery of India on the ground that a 1986 edition of the book contains remarks highly derogatory of the Maratha king.
(See Ban Nehru's Discovery of India: State BJP, The Times of India, 19 March). 

Unfortunately, the overeager Munde apparently never looked at the book in question: as The Times of India reported (21 March), Nehru's book: "contains no such derogatory remark." 

A few days later even Munde had to admit as much -- excusing his zeal on the grounds that: "I am a politician and not a scholar". But, just so nobody would think he was going soft, he added: "there is no change in my party’s stand -- it will not tolerate any insult to national heroes like Shivaji". (See: Munde wriggles out of Nehru gaffe, The Times of India, 25 March). 

late March: Another crowd-pleasing, debate-stifling stunt: Pune police commissioner D.N.Jadhav:
told reporters today that he was writing to Laine to summon him to India for questioning. If Laine refuses the "request," the police chief plans to move court. And if Laine ignores the summons, the police will seek the help of CBI and Interpol, Jadhav said.
(See Day after showing off liberal face, Cong hounds US professor, The Indian Express, 23 March.) 

This at least got some international attention -- see the BBC's report, India seeks to arrest US scholar -- and again seems to have played very well in India, where everybody seemed to get really excited about possibly involving Interpol (despite the fact that Laine's whereabouts are well-known); see, for example, State to seek extradition of Shivaji author (The Times of India, 23 March) 

Unfortunately, as Vijay Singh noted at Rediff (27 March): Bringing Laine back: Easier said than done. (In fact, it is clear that Laine has not been charged with any extraditable offense.) 

As usual, there was far more bluster than action: by 25 March the headline was: No letter to Laine as yet (Indian Express, 25 March), as (sensibly):
Police Commissioner D N Jadhav today said the police will not be sending a letter to James Laine, the author of Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India asking him to come to India till April 5 since a petition has been filed in the Bombay High Court.
See also: Criminal action stayed against Laine (Mid-Day, 27 March). 

9 July 2010: As widely reported, the Supreme Court in Maharashtra denied a state government plea to ban the book; see, for example Laine’s book on Shivaji okay: SC in The Economic Times.
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Reactions

       Almost no attention has been paid to the controversy surrounding Laine's book or the attack on BORI outside of India. Laine's opinion piece, In India, 'the Unthinkable' Is Printed at One's Peril, in the 12 January issue of The Los Angeles Times, and an article by Martha Ann Overland ("Vandals Attack Research Center in India in Retaliation for Help It Gave to American Scholar") in the Chronicle of Higher Education (issue of 23 January), neither of which is freely available on the Internet, and a Star Tribune article by Mary Jane Smetanka, Macalester professor's book incites a riot a world away ((Updated - 29 March): now only available at WCCO), were among the very few mentions in the American press. 
       ((Updated - 29 March): With the calls for Laine's arrest at the end of March there has again been some international coverage, most notably Scott Baldauf's article, How a US historian sparked calls for his arrest - in India, in the Christian Science Monitor (29 March). See also Sara Rajan's A Study in Conflict (Time (Asia), 5 April).) 

       What reactions there have been in the academic community do not appear to have made any impact or found any resonance outside those limited circles. There also appear to have been no calls to withdraw Laine's book, or ban it, anywhere outside India. 

       In India , the attack on BORI has been widely (though far from universally) condemned. The destruction of property, especially that which is unique and of historical significance, and the threats against scholars have been denounced in the press and in public. Prime Minister Vajpee's approach, as reported in the Times of India, seems to be the preferred one: "He said the "right way" to express disagreement was through discussion" -- though even some of his political allies denounced him for these statements and his opposition to the book-ban. 
       Disturbingly, a significant minority has been willing to excuse even the attacks on BORI as justifiable under the circumstances, and while 72 of those responsible were arrested and charged, there have been continued threats (both legal and physical) against BORI, scholars associated with it, and against author James Laine. 

       As Laine noted in his 12 January piece in The Los Angeles Times:
The vast majority of Indians are appalled at what happened in Pune. And yet no one has stepped forward to defend my book and no one has called for it to be distributed again.
       Indeed, most of these events took place after Laine's book had officially been withdrawn from the Indian market, i.e. essentially no longer existed. The banning of the book and the attacks on BORI and various scholars were thus clearly aimed not only at this specific case, but at the whole enterprise of scholarship, and of freedom of expression. Concerns about this have been raised in the media, but Laine's book has received little support: there still appear to have been almost no calls for it to be made available in India again. 
       Surprisingly, there has also been almost no criticism of Oxford University Press' self-censorship and withdrawal of the book from the Indian market. A rare mention can found is in the "Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)", People's Democracy, who properly note (25 January):
The media have criticised the Shiv Sainiks’ pranks but not the hastiness of the Oxford University Press in withdrawing the book even before the matter became public or the government for banning the book even before the matter was discussed in public fora.
       There have been numerous opinion pieces regarding these incidents. Among the disturbing trends they make note of is the uneven use of Section 153A of the Indian Penal Code to limit expression, and the politicising of what should be academic debates. 

       Among the opinion pieces are:
Dileep Padgaonkar on Myth against history (Times of India, 25 January), who finds these events: "drive home the point yet again that in this country it is myth, not history, that ignites popular imagination." 

A.G. Noorani's Chhatrapati or bust (Hindustan Times, 27 January), where he writes of what happened: "It was not an aberration. It is part of a practice, connived at and condoned, during the past decade and more." 

Ananya Vajpeyi's Everything Foul and Unfair (The Telegraph, 19 January), where he suggests the most critical question is: "(A)re we prepared to defend acts of violence perpetrated in the name of our identity, our beliefs and finally, our sentiments ?" 

An editorial in The Indian Express (7 January), in which the authors argue: "We cannot have the mob write our history for us. Every time we compromise on this principle, every time a publishing house allows itself to recall a book, every time the authorities fail to punish the vandals, every time politicians seize such issues for narrow political gains, every time the barbarian at the gate is accommodated, we fail not just our academics but our historical legacy of open scholarship." 

Rajeev Dhavan's Burn, Burn, Destroy (available at the Outlook India site, 23 January), where he notes: "In the last decade or so, new emerging patterns of social censorship seem to have eclipsed the framework of legal censorship that has been bequeathed to India by the British." 

Nalini Taneja on Politics of Rightwing Sectarianism (People's Democracy, 25 January), arguing: "In what has been happening today by way of policing and censorship of culture, and to history teaching and research, by way of verbal and physical attacks on democratic expression, our state and media have a very definite role to play." 

Sandhya Jain on Demeaning Shivaji, denigrating dharma (The Pioneer, 27 January, published here at HVK.org), who finds: "Having purchased and read James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India only after it was officially withdrawn by the publishers, I cannot view the events at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) as totally unjustified." 

Swapan Dasgupta on Reclaiming the Hindu Gods (The Telegraph, 30 January), who reports that: "Beginning sometime last year, American Hindus have mounted a spirited attack on the bastions of Indology in the North American universities" and believes: "The battle to reassess Indian heritage in keeping with the achievements of Indians involves a long haul. It will not be won by bans on offensive texts or McCarthy-ite purges of the infuriatingly perverse. It has to be fought with civility, argument, rigour and a sense of strategy." 

Manu Dash, wondering: Feel-shame factor, anyone ? (The Statesman), noting: "Our country has time and again failed to stay true to its credential of tolerance." 

Vaishnavi K. Sekhar finding: Historians rue attack on freedom of expression (The Times of India, 24 March), noting that: "The casualty of cultural censorship may be scholarship".
       (Note that in considering reactions in India we are limited to English-language material that is freely accessible via the Internet. It should be clear that this material may well not be representative of broader opinion, or even of media opinion. The Hindu and Marathi language press may well have responded entirely differently.) 

       Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan and Amodini Bagwe's piece, James Laine’s Controversial Book, published in this issue of the complete review Quarterly, offers a somewhat different perspective, focussing on what exactly it is about Laine's book that many find so upsetting. 

       There has also been some coverage of these events on weblogs, most notably at Kitabkhana and Ryan's Lair (as well as at the Literary Saloon). 

James Laine’s Controversial Book Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India

James Laine’s Controversial Book 
Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India 
(New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2nd ed., 2003) 

by 
Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan & Amodini Bagwe


     Please note that the views expressed herein are those of the authors and not of the complete review. 

     For more information, please also see in this issue of the crQ:
James Laine’s Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India and the attack on the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute: Background - Chronology - Reactions
Attacking Myths and Institutions: James Laine’s Shivaji and BORI
- the Editors, the complete review


       While condemning the attacks on the BORI Archives in Pune and on Prof. Bahulkar in the strongest possible terms, we wish to share our views about Laine's casual scholarship on Shivaji as presented in his latest book. 
       Some of his remarks suggest willful, calculated sensationalism than honest scholarship. Despite his apology issued last month after the OUP quietly withdrew the book from the Indian market (LINK), which he has practically withdrawn as of now (LINK), there are many issues that need both examination and comment. As Laine himself admits in the book, he has cavalierly presented gossip and innuendo without an iota of documentary substantiation, and then on that basis, proceeded to construct his flawed argument. Naturally, we must question his motives in undertaking such an exercise. This is important since next to nothing has appeared in the media by way of comment on the actual contents of the book. 
       It must be asserted that at no time in history has India been Islamic. Indeed, how could it have been so, when it has always had a majority of non-Muslims in its population ? True, following the waves of Islamic invasions that began in right earnest around the 12th century CE, certain parts of the country did have Muslim rulers who imposed Islamic law on the entire populace they governed, but that does not make India Islamic, since a non-Muslim majority continued to follow their own religious tenets, come what may. 
       As for Hindu regimes, unlike Christian or Islamic ones, the king could have no religion according to time-honoured mores. As an individual, like any one of his subjects, he was free to profess and practise his version of any one of myriad indigenous doctrines that together constitute Hinduism; but as king, he necessarily had to be secular, regarding all forms of religious expression with due impartiality. Even a cursory study of Indian history clearly shows how indigenous States encouraged even antipodal doctrines to flourish. Therefore, with no king (including Shivaji) who was Hindu, and an India that was never Islamic, the astonishing title -- ‘Hindu King in Islamic India’ -- leaves one wondering about the extent of Laine’s understanding of the subject he addresses with such authority ! 
       Moreover, Laine himself must be aware that various Muslim dynasties in India, whether Mughal, Bahamani, Adilshahi, Nizamshahi, or many of the fragmented Sultanates, were then ruled by alien invaders from Central and Middle Eastern Asia, analogous to Islamic invasions of Europe. A major portion of the invading armies constituted mercenaries with extra-territorial loyalties, including Mongols, Turks, Arabs, Persians, Afghans, and Siddis from Ethiopia. Viewing the book title from this perspective, the effort seems to be more of a hasty hatchet job with questionable historical validity, seeking to cash in on the post-9/11 global upsurge of interest in Islam. 
       Coming to the most incendiary part of the book, leading to the recent turmoil in Maharashtra, Laine reports outright hearsay on p.93: "Maharashtrians tell jokes naughtily suggesting that his guardian Dadaji Konddev was his biological father" ! The reader may well wonder whether such seemingly casual inclusion of injurious gossip related to one's chief protagonist is a convention in serious cross-cultural scholarship ! As a matter of fact, love and adoration of Shivaji is the bottomline truth in the state, and we have never come across such a motivated rumour until Laine’s book was published ! Outsiders fail to understand that while Shivaji’s rugged forts stand testimony to his great heroism in an all-too-brief tenure of forty years as a warrior and strategist of epic proportions, it is upon the very hearts and minds of the common populace that these nearly four centuries old magical legends are etched to eternity: a testimony to the greatness of a culture that has survived untold depredations and chicanery. In fact, this is what makes the "Shivaji story" immune to fabrication to suit contemporary designs of a handful of elite scholars and their political instigators. 
       From the scholarly perspective, the wholly unsubstantiated insinuation that Shahaji was not Shivaji’s "biological father" is implausible, incredible and outrageous ! Unlike lax norms of familial or marital propriety that characterize ‘civilized’ Western societies, loose speculation about someone’s ancestry is a very serious matter indeed even in contemporary Indian ethos, not to speak of conditions almost four centuries ago. At that time, societal sanctions were immensely more rigid and the consequences of their transgression, all too tragic. A scandalous event like that implied by Laine would scarcely escape immediate detection, judgment and censure. Anybody indulging in such conduct would have courted severe social stigma, especially someone like Jijabai who both hailed from and was married into aristocracy. The progeny of an allegedly adulterous relationship would never be accepted as king by a tradition-bound people who looked up to the monarch as an incarnation of Divinity ! 
       It must be asserted that Shahaji, who is superciliously alluded to by Laine as an "absentee father", was forced to lodge his expecting wife and yet-to-be-born child in the safe haven of the Shivneri fort because of untold political uncertainty prevailing around the time Shivaji was born -- and not, it must be mentioned, on account of any estrangement between husband and wife. (Laine is in grave error when he attempts to rewrite one of the most significant chapters in Indian history, essaying an inappropriate imposition of a contemporary Western paradigm upon the medieval Indian scenario). 
       Shahaji, who was practically ruling the Nizamshahi as Regent on behalf of the minor Murtaza Nizamshah, was actively engaged in fending off threats from both Shah Jehan and Adilshah, being constantly on the run as a direct result. He was accompanied by his first son, Sambhaji, who was killed at a young age in the Battle of Kanakgiri. After the dissolution of the Nizamshahi in 1636, Shahaji’s subsequent service in the Adilshahi took him to Bangalore, but he continued holding and administering his old land titles in the Pune region through his trusted Brahmin aide, Dadoji Konddev. Obviously, Shahaji was unable to cover all the distance to Pune on a regular basis in those uncertain times and the additional responsibility of bringing up the young Shivaji devolved upon Dadoji. Shahaji took another wife in Bangalore, as was customary in those days. From this second marriage, he sired Vyankoji, the founder of the Thanjavur Bhosale dynasty, distinguished by its patronage of both Tamil and Marathi culture and arts. Shahajiraje thus bequeathed to India two distinct dynasties of visionary rulers. All these facts are well documented and should suffice to prevent irresponsible speculation on account of his absence from the Pune region. 
       On page 91, Laine asks with an unnecessary soupçon of dramatization,
Can one imagine a narrative of Shivaji’s life in which, for example: Shivaji had an unhappy family life ? Shivaji had a harem ? Shivaji was uninterested in the religion of bhakti saints ? Shivaji’s personal ambition was to build a kingdom, not liberate a nation ? Shivaji lived in a cosmopolitan Islamicate world and did little to change that fact ?
       Had Laine really read and gleaned anything from the references listed at the end of the book, such perturbing questions would not have arisen. For instance, it was practically de rigeur for men of status in Shivaji’s time to have more than one wife. To go even further back in history, let us recall that Lord Rama’s father too had several queens. The custom had nothing whatsoever to do with practices prevailing in a "cosmopolitan Islamicate world". However, isn’t having several legally wedded wives very different from keeping a harem, which latter may even include several official and unofficial concubines ? Surely, Laine appreciates the essential difference ! 
       Also, as revealed by numerous treasured documents of the era, including correspondence between Ramdas and Shivaji, the latter was spiritually surrendered to the former, of which fact Laine feigns such complete ignorance ! With adequate answers to each one of Laine's questions easily obtainable in his references, is his pretence indicative of a deeper, sinister motive to compromise, restrain and perhaps even destroy the extraordinary reverence in which Shivaji is held ? 
       For a presumably accomplished scholar (LINK), who has spent several decades in close contact with Maharashtra, it is amazing -- even distressing -- that Laine has understood almost nothing about the veneration Shivaji commands in ‘native’ consciousness. In that sense, his scholarship may well have been wasted ! For him to say now that he had "foolishly misread the situation in India and figured the book would receive scholarly criticism, not censorship and condemnation" is appalling, at the very least. You can hardly foolishly misread a situation that has existed for nearly four centuries, the study of which is the declared intention of your scholarship, not to mention the "love of the Shivaji story" you avowedly evince ! 
       A similar exercise, as confessed by Laine in the case of a Jesus Christ or a Thomas Jefferson (LINK), is entirely incapable of provoking as vehement a reaction because these exalted personages do not command the kind of supreme reverence in their specific locales that Shivaji does in his. 
       No doubt Laine is aware how Christ’s popularity in the West has been steadily on the decline, what with Church attendances falling alarmingly, and the paucity of preachers needing imports from ‘third world’ countries to supplant the dwindling numbers of octogenarian White clergymen ! This observation is further supported by demographic statistics indicating the exponential growth of the followers of alternative philosophies, which cannot be attributed to new immigrants alone. 
       As for Jefferson, in an exercise very reminiscent of the present one, his greatness as a rationalist, especially his radically piercing views on Christianity and its Church, (for example: "The Christian God is a being of terrific character -- cruel, vindictive, capricious, and unjust."), was sought by disadvantaged parties to be compromised by the exposition of some tenuous incident in the statesman’s life. But it is necessary to ascertain whether such detractors, who authored the "widely varying accounts" about Jefferson and Christ that Laine claims to have "seen", could be considered persons of established scholarly reputation. Since serious scholars would hardly ever countenance rumour or gossip as evidence, it was more than likely that such criticism was penned by critics who had no compunctions about relying on tittle-tattle to score a point. 
       Because Laine has indirectly questioned Shivaji’s paternity without a shred of documentary evidence, he sadly gets categorized in the latter class and his claim to a "love for the Shivaji story" falls to pieces ! Incidentally, there are certain to be "other ways of reading the historical evidence", but only if historical evidence, and not malicious fabrication, is offered in the first place. 
       Laine ought to have grasped the reality that there just can be no comparison between Shivaji and the likes of Christ and Jefferson from the Indian, especially Maharashtrian, point of view ! The learned author, in spite of his protracted contact with the region since 1977, failed to realise that the "Shivaji story", as narrated in every Maharashtrian home, has far more significance and enjoys immensely greater credibility than all history taught in academia. And, by his own admission, was it not the development of this "Shivaji story" that he had set out to study ? Moreover, the growth in recent years of a strong and eminently justifiable public perception that a vast majority of academics have been indulging in wanton politicization of scholarship at the expense of truth bolsters this awareness. 
       Furthermore, Shivaji is not merely a "Maharashtrian" hero, as Laine not so subtly avers in his facetious apology. Shivaji was the first Indian leader in relatively recent history to contemplate political self-determination and successfully put it into practice at a time when all others were blissfully unaware of both the existence and possibility of such a thing ! This visionary quality elevates Shivaji to a pioneering ‘national’ stature, head and shoulders above all his peers and contemporaries. His exploits had obviously become the stuff of legends in the course of his lifetime. Bhooshan, hailing from the environs of the Mughal capital wrote epic poetry about him, while Chhatrasal who traveled from Bundelkhand to seek employment with him was bade to return to his territories and there establish his own independence. The slant in Laine’s apology to localize and thus limit Shivaji’s influence is not as innocuous as it appears, and is not likely to be overlooked by discerning readers ! 
       Indeed, since it takes the ‘authority’ of a White man to convince us of the greatness of things indigenous, it would be pertinent to quote historian Bamber Gascoigne:
"He (Shivaji) taught the modern Hindus to rise to the full stature of their growth. So, when viewed with hindsight through twentieth century glasses, Aurangzeb on the one side and Shivaji on the other come to be seen as key figures in the development of India. What Shivaji began Gandhi could complete …… and what Aurangzeb stood for would lead to the establishment of the separate state of Pakistan." (The Great Moghuls, London: Constable), (emphasis ours).
       It is sad to see how all the years Laine spent in India were so utterly in vain, if he has failed to note and appreciate this, the most distinguishing and vital aspect of the "Shivaji story" ! 
       There seems to be more to the book than mere scholarship. One is reminded of what Thomas Paine wrote, in a slightly different context perhaps, in the opening lines of his The Rights of Man about Edmund Burke’s unwarranted interest in French affairs. It amply illustrates a tendency to dabble that Laine evidently shares with Burke:
"Among the incivilities by which nations or individuals provoke and irritate each other, Mr. Burke’s pamphlet on the French Revolution is an extraordinary instance. Neither the people of France, nor the National Assembly, were troubling themselves about the affairs of England, or the English Parliament; and why Mr. Burke should commence an unprovoked attack upon them, both in Parliament and in public, is a conduct that cannot be pardoned on the score of manners, nor justified on that of policy." (London: J.M.Dent, 1993, p. 7).
       With suitable substitutions, the sentiments expressed by Paine could apply rather well to Laine’s avoidable blundering foray into Indian culture and history. If, "as an American and a Christian", Laine had, for instance, devoted more time to finding out why enthusiasm for Christ is petering out so rapidly in his home country, he might have been spared the pain of living through "the saddest day" in his career ! But, prudent apprehension of censorship by the Moral Majority and cessation of grants by funding bodies might perhaps have served as an important deterrent in the case of similar misadventures closer home ! 
       It is the "Shivaji story" that transcends every conceivable faction of Maharashtrian society and has always served as an efficacious uniting factor, the demolition of which can be perceived to serve powerful interests in present times. India in general and its Maharashtrian Hindu population in particular have traditionally been ultra-soft targets for a sundry assortment of deluded Indophiles anyway, and the once-correct belief that one can get away with almost murder has motivated several similar ‘research’ exercises in the past. 
       Constituents of the more impulsive but perhaps less sophisticated majority in Maharashtra are more likely than not to smell in Laine’s dissertation the same intellectual chicanery attempted through the purchase by British colonial masters (for a princely sum of £ 3000, paid in easy installments, may it be noted !) of Friedrich Max Muller’s erudition a century ago with the studied intention of demoralizing a whole nation by denigration of its antiquity, pre-eminence, culture, religion and history. It might be perceived by the populace that one of its greatest cultural heroes is being put under an iniquitous microscope with precisely that same objective. Such heinous strategies may have worked beautifully under colonial rule, but are less than likely to work now -- a reality Laine appears to have dangerously overlooked. A significantly large proportion of the Indian polity has begun ‘thinking independently’, albeit to the detriment of brokers of international geopolitical stakes. In this sense, the book might well qualify as yet another attempt at fragmentation of the steadily developing strength of a society that is waking up to a realization of the many historical frauds perpetrated on itself for centuries. 
       If, unfortunately, promoting social discord was indeed a purpose of the book, the attempt may have partially succeeded with what happened at the Bhandarkar Institute; the first salvo has been fired by pitting Maratha (whom Laine gratuitously refers to as being from Shivaji’s own community) against Brahmin. Unless we desire lumpen elements to take undue advantage of the fallout of the regrettable BORI incident, concerted and well informed public opinion needs to be nurtured to arrest and neutralize machinations of a wildly proliferating class of pliable political paid pipers and their cohorts in an amenable media ! Because Laine has blatantly used, in the matter of Shivaji’s parentage at least, sources that cannot pass the test of reliability even by a long shot, it is necessary for scholars to scrutinize the entire work for its truthfulness, especially the development of communalised identities upon which he dwells at great length. All frivolous ‘scholarship’ needs to be unequivocally discredited and disowned by intellectuals in the interests of veracity and probity in academia. 
       While undeniably condemning the attack on the Bhandarkar Institute archives with the plea that the guilty should not go unpunished, should we not also examine the role of the so-called 'thinkers' who might perhaps unwittingly have assisted if not actually set up Laine's mischief in the first place ? Laine mentions in his Acknowledgments (p. viii) that his "scholarly home has been the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune" where he "profited from advice and assistance". Once the BORI administration realised the explosive nature of the book's contents, and how they were sitting on a time bomb for all these months, it might have been appropriate for them to issue a strong public denial and condemnation of the author, in no uncertain terms, for his highly objectionable effort to convert innuendo and gossip into a matter of documentary record. 
       It is up to Laine to inform his readers as to how and where he dug up this disgusting rumour casting aspersions upon the character of Shivaji’s mother, herself a figure of great veneration to all. She was a single mother of great character and substance, the very fountainhead of inspiration for Shivaji’s life’s work. 
       Needless to state, all this only applies if the real intention behind the book was more than what Laine declares. But from even its very title, the book comes through more like an exercise in skullduggery, which is unfortunate ! 
       If scholarly research funded through institutional grants is undertaken with the altruistic aim of benefiting humanity, one wonders how the present book can achieve that end! Scholars ought not to forget that all institutions supporting them are rooted in their particular indigenous ethos to which they must be accountable, especially when the results are sought to be commercially exploited through book sales. 
       The body fabric of a resurgent India, and particularly that of a progressive state like Maharashtra, can well do without such vicious ‘scholarship’. We hope saner counsel will prevail in the currently disturbed scenario, as a fitting tribute to its chief architect, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. 

- Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan & Amodini Bagwe